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Friday, 7 April 2017

President Zuma Successfully Opens the 3rd Presidential Local Government Summit

April 6, 2017


By Jacob Zuma

It is a great pleasure indeed to address you at this Third Presidential Local Government Summit following the two we have held in Khayelitsha and in Gauteng respectively.

We meet today on an important day on which we commemorate the tragic execution of Solomon Mahlangu by the apartheid state in 1979.

He was a dedicated freedom fighter who paid the supreme price for fighting for the liberation of our country and its people.

On this solemn occasion we recall his last words: "My blood will nourish the tree that will bear the fruits of freedom. Tell my people that I love them. They must continue the fight."

The execution of the young Solomon Mahlangu provoked widespread international outrage. Today, in his honour the fight continues, this time to accelerate economic transformation and improve the lives of our people.

Compatriots,

When we met in Khayelitsha we emphasised the importance of the strong collaborations among all spheres of government in service delivery.

 In 2014 in Gauteng, we said we must go back to the basics, and recommitted ourselves to providing basic services more adequately, professionally and in a more caring manner.

At the Second Presidential Summit in Khayelitsha there was agreement that local government performance should be improved to ensure provision of basic services and that people’s needs are met.

The objective of the Back to Basics programme launched in 2014, is to create well-functioning municipalities that serve their communities better.

It encompasses five pillars:

Putting people first and ensuring effective public participation platforms for them.

Creating conditions for decent living by consistently delivering municipal services to the right quality and standard. This includes planning for and delivery of infrastructure and amenities, maintenance and upkeep.

Thirdly, good governance, efficient administration and accountability.

The fourth is sound financial management and accounting, prudent management of resources and the fifth, sound institutional and administrative capabilities at all levels.

This Summit is now an opportune time, at the beginning of the new term of local government, to deliberate about the priorities for the next five years.

As this is the first time since the last local government elections that we meet formally, let me welcome our newly elected and returning councillors and thank them for availing themselves for national service.

I would like to congratulate all municipalities - councillors and municipal staff – who have made a difference in changing peoples’ lives and living conditions.

But before we consider the challenges going forward, let us reflect on the achievements and progress we have made over the last two decades in changing people’s lives and living conditions.

According to the latest General Household Survey of Statistics South Africa, the progress achieved between 2002 and 2015 includes an increase from seventy-seven percent to eighty five percent in the number of households with access to electricity.

We achieved an increase from eighty five percent to more than ninety percent of households with access to piped water.

Also, the share of households obtaining sanitation services went up from sixty-two percent to eighty percent.

At the time of the survey more seventy eight percent of South African households lived in formal dwellings, followed by fourteen percent who lived in informal dwellings, and seven percent in traditional dwellings.

Fourteen percent of South African households were living in RDP or state-subsidised dwellings. In addition, eighteen percent female-headed households received a government housing subsidy, whilst twelve percent of male-headed households received a government housing subsidy.

It must be mentioned that South Africa’s population during this period, also increased from about forty million in 2001, to about fifty five million in 2015, and our people are living longer thanks to our improved health services among others.

Although we can be proud of the above achievements we still must confront a number of challenges. I will mention just a few.

We have a high number of households without access to piped water. We have bad roads, poor quality in some of our RDPs, a crumbling water infrastructure and poor sewage systems in some areas. We also face poor financial management in some municipalities and insufficient revenue collection.

There is also still poor interaction between Councillors and communities in some municipalities.

We are aware of these challenges and affected municipalities should work harder and faster to correct them, which is why we come together as we are doing this week.

This Summit aims to provide strategic direction for the new term of local government.

Importantly, from this Summit must emerge a focused action plan on the way in which all three spheres of government and all partners should work together to ensure the deepening of the Back-to-Basics programme.

The action plan must build on the progress registered since our last summit and should enable us to be even more responsive to the needs and aspirations of local communities than before.

The first phase of the Back-to-Basics programme focused on laying the foundation for a developmental local government, by doing the basics that we just outlined, very properly.

We now have to move to the second phase, in which the Back-to-Basics approach continues to build a functional and developmental local government system that delivers on its Constitutional and legislative mandates within a system of cooperative governance.

Critical in this phase as well, is the need to tackle both the spatial challenges and the socio-economic transformation requirements facing our country and communities.

The second phase of the Back-to-Basics programme will focus on a few key interventions;

First, is ensuring that we build programmes to ‘Manage Municipal Spaces for Radical Social and Economic Transformation’;

Second, is affirming the centrality of integrated and spatially coherent development planning across sectors and spheres; and

Third, strengthening intergovernmental and multi-stakeholder relations in Disaster Risk Reduction.

Colleagues and compatriots,

We must also strive to develop an integrated approach where we not only focus on governance, but also have a deeper understanding and appreciation of the socio-economic problems facing our people.

We must thus have an in-depth understanding of the differences in the space economies of the various types of our municipalities – the metros, secondary cities, districts and small rural towns.

For this purpose, we must develop a national differentiated socio-geographic classification based on this understanding.

As you are aware, we have decided to focus firmly on radical socio-economic transformation in the remaining term of this government.

But let us remind ourselves what we mean by radical socio-economic transformation!

We mean the fundamental change in the structure, systems, institutions and patterns of ownership, management and control of the economy in favour of all South Africans, especially the poor, the majority of whom are African and female.

We need to see radical socio-economic transformation in local government.

This requires that apartheid’s settlement geography must be confronted and a new and more cohesive society must be born.

Apartheid geography and centralised spatial planning ensured that the majority of our people were housed and located in marginal areas from the city centres, far away from the economic hub and opportunities, as well as from services.

This perpetuated their exclusion from the economy.
 
Therefore, the management of municipal spaces for Radical Social and Economic Transformation requires municipalities to do a few things.

They must radically transform the residential areas by connecting and integrating places of work and human settlements to build an inclusive economy and sustainable human settlements.

They must work hard to raise the living standards and quality of life of all the people in the municipal area.

At the centre of a municipality’s social transformation activities must be the provision of social protection to the vulnerable; in particular women and children, the eradication of poverty, and the building of social cohesion and social solidarity.

A municipality’s objective must also be to turn the tide against the current spatial patterns of apartheid in the next five to fifteen years, though better and coordinated land use management, ensuring that a new built environment and inclusive spatial landscape emerges across the country.

They must include effective public transport infrastructure development, as well as new integrated and sustainable human settlements and post-apartheid cities that are more connected, liveable, smart and green.

The renewal of old towns, inner-city regeneration as well as township renewal must be a key focus of our municipalities.

They must revitalise and mainstream township economies by supporting the development of township enterprises, co-operatives and SMMEs that will produce goods and services that meet the needs of township residents.

Township entrepreneurs must be used to produce food such as bread for school nutrition and hospitals, clothes for school and police uniforms, and furniture for government offices.

If we do this, we would bring millions of township residents into the mainstream of the economy, hence the need to revamp economic infrastructure and improve these areas.

All spheres must work together to ensure that all township roads and streets are tarred, that the bucket system is eradicated and that all hostels are turned into family units.

All spheres must prevent illegal land invasion and growth of informal settlements.

If we do all this, our people will see a difference in their lives and the fruits of freedom will become visible to all.

Colleagues and compatriots,

In this year’s State of the Nation Address, I emphasised that we are building a South Africa that is free from poverty, inequality and unemployment, as guided by the National Development Plan (NDP).

This requires stronger collaborations and changes in the implementation of the Back-to-Basics programme.

Indeed, there is a lot we should do to build better municipalities and ensure that our people’s experience of local government is a pleasant one.

That is what this summit is all about. We must all ensure that when people visit municipal offices, they return home smiling because of an excellent service they would have received.

They should also live in communities where there is water, good roads, electricity, recreational parks and other amenities.

In the 2017 State of the Nation Address we announced that we dedicate 2017 to honour Oliver Reginald Tambo.

It is the year of unity in action by all South Africans as we move South Africa forward, together.

Let us emphasise unity within local government, in honour of OR Tambo, and so that we can achieve all our goals faster.

It is my pleasure and honour to declare the Third Presidential Local Government Summit officially open, and to launch Phase 2 of the Back to Basics Programme.

I thank you.

This is an edited address by President Jacob Zuma on the occasion of the 3rd Presidential Local Government Summit in Pretoria, on April 6, 2017

Daily Maverick

7 April 2017 15:51 (South Africa)
Politics

Op-Ed: When will South Africans learn that the ballot is mightier than the picket?

  • Gwen Ngwenya
  • Politics
  • 183 Reactions

Tomorrow, 7 April 2017, thousands of South Africans will take to the streets to allegedly save South Africa and to defend our democracy. Save South Africa marks it as the day for “a massive people’s push” and goes further to add that “united public protest is the only way to stop further state capture and to defend our democracy”.  Civil society groupings have echoed the likes of Equal Education in urging their members “to participate in all mass actions aimed at freeing our country and defending our democracy from the shackles of the Guptas and Jacob Zuma”. But its the ballot that holds the real power. By GWEN NGWENYA.
There have to date been seven motions of no confidence against Jacob Zuma, all of which have failed. At the most recent of these attempts 58 ANC MP’s did not vote, including the former Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan. What we know is that Zuma is a product of the ANC, bolstered throughout two terms in office by people who cheerfully, or through their silence, supported him. The so called “good guys” in the ANC can’t blame the mirror if they don’t like what they see. There is no nefarious third force conjuring up a mirage of cowardice, the mirror simply reflects what is before it.
 
Fifty-eight MP’s who were probably suffering a crisis of conscious chose not to vote. To now call upon South Africans to mobilise against your own party's failures is contemptuous and an egregious shifting of responsibility. An urban march, even with 100,000 people or more is not a national ballot. The democratically elected leader must step down off the back of an angry mob? That’s not democracy. If Zuma must go then he must be removed by South Africa’s elected representatives, who through a democratic process sit in Parliament vested with the will of the people. 
 
Friday’s march is the will of the people subjugated to well-meaning but confused business professionals, in hand with ANC sympathisers masquerading as civil society, and led by the Communist Party who have put on an act of victimhood and contrition so beguiling it beggars belief. 
 
South Africa’s Communist Party whose first guiding principle is to “end the system of capitalist exploitation in South Africa and establish a socialist society” is going to lead the charge to restore global investor confidence and calm in South Africa’s capital markets? That is what is set to take place in South Africa on Friday, mobilising in support of Communist Party members to save democracy and the economy. Even in a work of political fiction that narrative would appear to stretch the reader’s imagination too far. 
 
The step to any reform begins with the admission that this is not about one man and his cronies. The party cannot get away with the narrative of a “rogue” group vs the good group; 2009 was meant to rid the country of Thabo Mbeki’s cronyism, but the ANC’s patronage networks now make Mbeki look like he handed out lucky packets (children’s party favours) in comparison. And now we’re doing it again, being tricked into thinking if we purge one man and his closest acolytes all will be well. The corruption, Marikana, the under- resourcing of higher education, the deficient governance of state-owned enterprises, the investor hostile policies etc, they all happened under the governing party’s watch. 
 
South Africa was already teetering on the edge of an economic cliff before the reshuffle – we must be cognisant of how we got to so close to the edge, not just on what tipped us over.
Pravin Gordhan kept South Africa on the cliff edge, largely through the art of persuasion; getting in front of investors and giving the right assurances. But given time persuasion would necessarily have given way to deliverables, and on that basis there is little to suggest Gordhan’s fiscal rescue mission would be a success. South Africa’s Public Expenditure Bill had increased, further funds were committed to dysfunctional state-owned enterprises and the taxpayer has been squeezed with little sign of future reprieve as growth projections were pitifully low. The danger then in deifying Gordhan and demonising  Zuma is that the protest loses all legitimacy as being concerned about the future. 
 
The gravest threat to democracy is that many South Africans cannot break free of the ANC, and are doomed to engage in the theatre of freedom on the streets, but never experience the true protest that happens in the secret confines of the ballot box. 
 
It is an astonishing thought that over 20 years into democracy and after five national elections and five municipal elections, there are millions of people who are aggrieved with the ANC but have never experienced the transfer of political leadership. Not because they do not live in a democracy, but because they live in a democracy and are too scared to use it. So jarring is the idea of actually voting differently that Save South Africa can without hesitation pronounce that there is no other option but to march. If the would-be marchers really believe that in an elective system of representation the only option is to march on the streets then the foundations of democracy are severely eroded, and state capture is not to blame. 
 
Millions of South Africans are trapped in a self-imposed one-party state and all their leaders; in business, in civil society, in places of worship seem to be complicit in this ruse. It is the ruse, the idea that the ANC is both the source and solution of South Africa’s problems that is the most serious threat to democracy. 
 
South Africa can and will survive the hegemony of the ANC, and people must be very suspicious of journalists, public commentators and sectoral leaders who speak about saving democracy without speaking of the plurality of the political system. Those who want to lead marches but shy away from speaking of political alternatives peddle the idea that opposition politics are divisive. This is as good as suggesting that democracy is divisive, and is a misplaced sense of unity.
 
To the extent that democracy is about making political choices, then yes it is divisive. We don’t live in a forest commune with a roving chalice, and whoever holds the chalice gets to lead. The ANC understands this, but it seems to be the public intelligentsia who do not. In Gwede Mantashe’s own words: "What do you think the ANC is, Father Christmas? I don't know where this notion comes from that we are a collection of individuals who have conscience. We are members of ANC in a party political system." 
 
We have elections, we vote parties in hopefully when they are “good” and we vote them out when they are “bad”, and we also vote them back in if they become good again. But it is not the citizens’ responsibility to save the ANC. ANC members must fix their own party, and we the voters should vote for them only when they do, not until they do.
 
Nomboniso Gasa, a prolific commentator on South African Twitter, tweeted a suggestion to DA leader, Mmusi Maimane, that he should probably not be the one to convene a meeting with other party leaders, but have it led by “elders not in parties”. She then went on to suggest Anglican Archbishop Rev Thabo Makgoba as a convenor. Why should opposition parties lead a mediated process? 
 
The ANC understands that an ideological battle is being waged here, but it seems the public intelligentsia think it can be resolved in a kind of group circle around a camp fire. Zakes Mda also joined the kumbaya chorus on Twitter, saying: “DA, Stop the silly protest march to Luthuli House. When you do that you're alienating even those ANC leaders who may share your grievance.”
 
The EFF, DA and others have not been voted in to help the ANC become the best version of itself. The post-apartheid treason of South Africa’s intellectuals is a book in need of being compiled, and it would come not a moment too soon. The DA and opposition parties should step back, and maybe we should all unify and encircle the ANC with love and understanding and give the good guys space to do the right thing? There is a battle of ideas that needs to be waged, and arguably some of our best minds are entrapped in the nostalgia of a pre-democracy UDF-type movement. South Africa has enough dreamers – we need doers, it is this sentimental hankering and hand-wringing which has led us here in the first place. 
 
South Africans are not being governed in a coalition, the executive decisions and patronage networks established are of the making of one party alone. The challenges we face are inherently partisan, it is not the opposition’s intervention that makes them so. An important part of democracy is holding politicians to account; the ballot is punitive, and that’s the trouble with the ANC, they’ve never been made to really appreciate that. And perhaps they will never have to if the ballot is kept subservient to the picket. DM
 
Gwen Ngwenya is the Chief Operating Officer at the South African Institute of Race Relations
Photo: People stand in a queue to cast their vote during the municipal elections in Alexandra township, Johannesburg, South Africa, 03 August 2016. Photo: EPA/KIM LUDBROOK
 
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Thursday, 6 April 2017

Friday, April 7 March is a Trap. It's White propaganda. Middle class nonsense

Why do you wanna March?

Why don't you march when innocent children get killed daily in the coloured townships or when your boss fires people at your work unjustly.... 

Why don't you March because white people at your work get paid 6 times more for the same job and you taught them when they first came to work at your company..... 

Now you wanna march for what? 

You must be sick!

Why don't you march for your relative that is struggling financially and give them some groceries and financial support but Jy wil March????? 

This March is a Trap. It's White propaganda...... Middle class nonsense......


Your March is gonna disenfranchise the poor tomorrow. It's not gonna pay you tomorrow.... 

Because the boss is gonna say come fetch your pay Monday and family has to go hungry this weekend........

By Emmanual Plachez from Cape Town

Wednesday, 5 April 2017

FRIDAY, APRIL 7, 2017 IS NORMAL WORKING DAY

Government warns anti-Zuma protesters

TMG Digital | 04 April, 2017 09:01 
 Image result for jacob zuma
 President Jacob Zuma.

The government has warned protesters demonstrating against President Jacob Zuma that police will crack down on illegal actions.

“Government assures all South Africans that Friday‚ 7th April‚ is a normal working day. We have noted social media messages which call for a shutdown of the country on Friday‚” the government communications unit GCIS tweeted on Monday night.
“The call made in these messages can have unexpected consequences especially for our fragile economy‚ business and communities. Whilst the public has a democratic right to embark on protest action‚ government does not support acts of civil disobedience.”

The GCIS warning comes after a social media campaign called on South Africans to take to the streets on Friday to urge Zuma to step down. Anti-Zuma sentiment has been growing since the president’s cabinet reshuffle last week‚ which booted out respected finance minister Pravin Gordhan and his deputy Mcebisi Jonas.
“When citizens take to the streets illegally‚ we often witness violence‚ destruction of property and lawlessness. These illegal protests do not possess the characteristics of strengthening democracy‚” GCIS tweeted.


“Those found guilty of any form of violence will face the might of the law. Government is of the view that SAns can engage each other on differences through meaningful dialogue and through appropriate platforms.”


Global Research

Standard and Poor’s Credit Rating Agency Charged With Fraud in Sub-Prime Mortgage Ratings
By 

Global Research, February 06, 2013

The US Department of Justice on Monday filed a civil suit in Los Angeles charging Standard & Poor’s Ratings Services, the world’s biggest credit rating agency, with defrauding investors and the public by inflating the credit ratings it gave to subprime mortgage-backed securities in the run-up to the 2008 financial crisis.
The suit was announced Tuesday at a Washington press conference presided over by Attorney General Eric Holder. He indicated that the government would seek damages of at least $5 billion from S&P, a subsidiary of McGraw-Hill. Sixteen states and the District of Columbia have joined the federal suit.
Coming nearly four-and-a-half years after the Wall Street crash, the suit is the first federal action against a credit rating firm. S&P and its main competitor, Moody’s Investors Service, played a critical role in the vast edifice of financial speculation and fraud that came crashing down following the bursting of the housing bubble in 2007.
S&P, Moody’s and Fitch Ratings are all private, for-profit companies. As previous US government investigations have documented, S&P and Moody’s made huge profits between 2004 and 2008 by landing contracts from Wall Street banks to rate residential mortgage-backed securities (RMBS) and collateralized debt obligations (CDOs), which were assembled by the banks from home loans and sold to other financial institutions and investors around the world.
Wall Street drove mortgage lenders to sell high-risk, high-interest subprime home loans to people who could not afford them, bought up the loans from the mortgage companies, bundled them into RMBS and CDOs, and sold off these toxic investments, making massive profits in the process. The entire US and global financial system was infected as a result by what was, in essence, a vast Ponzi scheme.
While US bank regulators looked the other way, the credit rating firms facilitated the fraud by giving triple-A ratings to RMBS and CDOs backed by mortgages they knew were headed for default.
The credit rating firms had a financial interest in inflating the ratings on RMBS and CDOs, since they were paid by the banks whose securities they were rating. Under the inherently corrupt, deregulated system for rating securities—a system that serves the interests, in the first instance, of Wall Street—banks shop around for the credit rating firm most likely to give their products the highest rating. Consequently, the credit rating firms compete for a share in the lucrative financial derivatives market, which includes mortgage-backed securities, by proving to their bank paymasters that they will deliver the top ratings the banks need to maximize their profits.
At the Justice Department press conference, Holder and other officials painted a picture of pervasive and deliberate fraud, costing investors and taxpayers hundreds of billions of dollars. Between 2004 and 2007, Holder said, “S&P executives made false representations to investors and financial institutions, and took other steps to manipulate ratings criteria and credit models to increase revenue and market share.”
“Put simply,” he declared, “this alleged conduct is egregious—and it goes to the very heart of the recent financial crisis.”
Acting Associate Attorney General Tony West described how the major banks, beginning in 2007, worked furiously to package their failing subprime home loans into CDOs and offload the CDOs to investors, in order to get the bad loans off of their books. “And we have evidence,” he said, “that S&P not only knew this is what the banks were doing; S&P helped them to do it.
“As our complaint explains, through the spring and summer of 2007, S&P moved at a record pace, rating hundreds of billions of dollars worth of CDOs packed with subprime mortgage bonds… S&P gave triple-A ratings to nearly all of the CDOs it rated during this time—and they did this despite their own internal reports which showed that the ratings on the mortgage bonds on which the financial quality of these CDOs depended would not hold.”
Despite this narrative of outright criminality, amply documented in the 119-page complaint filed by the Justice Department in US District Court, the government does not name a single individual in its legal brief, nor has it pressed criminal charges. The Obama administration is thus maintaining its record of refusing to criminally prosecute a single leading figure on Wall Street for illegal actions that brought the US and world economy to the brink of collapse and triggered the deepest slump and highest unemployment since the Great Depression.
The government spent four months in talks with S&P in an attempt to reach a settlement and avoid going to court, as it has done in dozens of previous financial fraud cases. Talks reportedly broke down in the last two weeks when S&P rejected any deal requiring it to admit wrongdoing and objected to a cash payment above $100 million.
The Justice Department’s legal complaint cites internal emails, messages and reports demonstrating that the company was well aware it was violating its own standards and giving securities inflated ratings. The legal brief focuses on 40 CDOs S&P rated between March and October of 2007.
The document cites one S&P analyst who wrote in 2006 that the company had loosened its criteria for CDOs to create “a loophole big enough to drive a Mack truck through.” In December of 2006, an S&P employee wrote in an internal email: “Rating agencies continue to create an even bigger monster—the CDO market. Let’s hope we are all wealthy and retired by the time this house of cards falters.”
In April 2007, one S&P analyst told another, “We rate every deal. It could be structured by cows and we would rate it.”
In a July 2007 exchange between an S&P analyst and an investment banking colleague, the banker wrote: “I mean, come on, we pay you to rate our deals, and the better the rating the more money we make?! What’s up with that? How are you possibly supposed to be impartial?”
The complicity of the credit rating agencies was previously documented in extensive government reports on the financial crisis. “The Financial Crisis Inquiry Report,” issued in January of 2011 by a commission established by Congress in 2009, wrote: “The three credit rating agencies were key enablers of the financial meltdown. The mortgage-related securities at the heart of the crisis could not have been marketed and sold without their seal of approval.”
The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations devoted 75 pages of its 639-page report on the Wall Street crash, released in April of 2011, to the role of S&P and Moody’s in facilitating the subprime mortgage swindle. It wrote: “It was not in the short-term economic interest of either Moody’s or S&P, however, to provide accurate credit ratings for high-risk RMBS and CDO securities, because doing so would have hurt their own revenues.”
The Senate report found that more than 90 percent of triple-A ratings given to mortgage-backed securities in 2006 and 2007 were eventually downgraded to junk status.
Whatever the outcome of the suit filed on Monday, the Obama administration has systematically worked, and will continue to work, to shield the banks and their accomplices from any accountability for their crimes, and create conditions for Wall Street to make more money than ever.
The same credit rating system—unregulated and dominated by the banks—remains in place today. The same credit rating companies continue to make millions by giving top ratings to high-risk bonds and derivatives and helping conceal violations of securities laws by the banks, creating the conditions for another, even more catastrophic financial crisis.

EYEWITNESS NEWS

ZUMA LAUNCHES BIGGEST SOCIAL HOUSING PROJECT IN KZN


The 952 units are rental housing for middle income earners, in the R1,500 and R7,500 monthly income bracket.
President Zuma shakes hands and hands over the home of one of the beneficiaries Nomkhosi Msimang. Picture: Ziyanda Ngcobo/EWN
PIETERMARITZBURG – President Jacob Zuma has used the launch of South Africa's biggest social housing project to encourage citizens to make use of government programmes aimed at providing homes for the middle income group.
Zuma was speaking at the Imbalo township near Pietermaritzburg where 952 houses have been built.
The units are rental housing for middle income earners, in the R1,500 and R7,500 monthly income bracket.
The president was accompanied by acting premier Sihle Zikalala and African National Congress treasurer general Dr Zweli Mkhize.
Zuma says the new accommodation has bridged the gap for those who do not qualify for government subsidies or RDP housing.
“It provides an opportunity to our working youth to live in decent and well located accommodation while promoting social integration and deconstructing the apartheid spatial master plan.”

(Edited by Masechaba Sefularo)

Tuesday, 4 April 2017

ANC Today

ENHANCING ORGANIZATIONAL INTEGRITY THROUGH POLICY REFORM

06juneNathi Mthethwa
Every five years the African National Congress (ANC) conducts a strategic review of its policies across a range of broad thematic areas. As the governing party of South Africa, it is essential that our policies remain relevant and responsive to the needs of the nation and prevalent local as well as global circumstances and conditions.

As the ANC limbers up for its 5th National Policy Conference in June, as well as the 54th National Conference slated for December, the organization has released a set of discussion documents.

These nine discussion documents are always released publically and within good time in order to facilitate an effective participatory process involving not just from our branches, but the public at large – in line with the ANC’s longstanding commitment to participatory democracy.

Amongst them is the ANC’s Strategy and Tactics document, that broadly outlines, analyses and charts a future course for the movement within what we call the Balance of Forces, both domestically and globally. It is testimony to the vibrancy of the movement’s intellectual tradition that the Strategy and Tactics, first adopted at the Morogoro Conference in Tanzania in 1969, are regularly reviewed and updated by our movement in response to prevailing conditions.

Assessment of the balance of forces helps us to clarify opportunities and constraints in the process of discharging our responsibilities towards deepening social transformation.
The Strategy and Tactics document analyzes the global and domestic Balance of Forces, and how this facilitates or hinders the attainment of the ANC’s ultimate objectives.
Arising from this are the medium- and long-term tasks facing both the organisation and society at large.

All the other documents are rooted in the ANC’s Strategy and Tactics – for it is in essence presents the theoretical perspective of the organization.

The Strategy and Tactics opens with a historical overview of our society; underlining the point that the 1996 Constitution, whilst containing transitional clauses, was on the whole an expression of untrammelled majority rule, with profound socio-economic provisions.

In this sense, the ideals the Constitution articulates are not a compromise; but wholly consistent with the objective of creating a society underpinned by a profound humanism.

That said, it has become worrying common that a number of sectors within our society, especially in the political arena, have turned our courts into the terrain for contesting political squabbles and settling scores, when such could possibly have been better managed through more relevant channels. From quarrels with satirical puppets, to the lyrics of controversial songs, to the seemingly endless legal challenges to Constitutionally-valid administrative actions of the Executive.

This low-intensity ‘law-fare’ has steadily been ratcheted up over the years, and are sucking up the judiciary into the maelstrom of day-to-day societal management.

Repeated attempts of this kind, involving significant resources (even from non-governmental organization’s who traditionally have limited sources of funding and income) leads one to question whether there is an attempt by the privileged elements of society to undermine the ANC’s popular electoral mandate through the courts.

Another chapter outlines the ANC’s vision for a National Democratic Society founded on unity, non-racism, non-sexism, democracy and prosperity. A subsequent chapter of the Strategy and Tactics deals with the motive forces of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR), and further outlines that the fact they stand to benefit from the process of revolutionary change does not necessarily impel them to act in a corrective measure. Here the point is reinforced that Black workers – employed and unemployed, urban and rural – remain the main motive force of the process of change.

The chapter on Political Leadership and the Process of Change deals with our organisational challenges and what the movement has to do to remain relevant.

The analysis of the global Balance of Forces in the Strategy and Tactics is instructive for all who seek to understand modern political dynamics, as well as the influence that global capitalism continues to wield in society, despite the slow rise of progressive forces.

At the centre of humanity’s challenges is economic inequality. It is well known that more wealth is owned by the richest one-percent than the rest of humanity; and ‘eight men now own the same amount of wealth as the poorest half of the world’ (Oxfam: 2017).

In many developed countries, large swathes of the population have in the recent period actually experienced stagnant incomes and a declining quality of life.

No where is this more acutely manifested than in South Africa. As the Strategy and Tactics notes, we “represent the most acute manifestation of most of the social fault-lines that define humanity’s current challenges: race, class, gender and geographic location. Income inequality and inequitable distribution of assets are at their most intense. Poverty and unparalleled opulence live cheek by jowl. “

What is clearly demonstrated in the assertions made by the document is a deep seated relationship between political oppression and the apartheid capitalist system that, if decisive action is not taken to deal with economic subjugation and exclusion, the essence of apartheid will remain, with a few black men and women incorporated into the courtyard of privilege.

The old fault-lines will persist, and social stability will be threatened.

Unfortunately, but perhaps predictably, the crisis of capitalism also finds expression in the collapse of ethics, or greater public exposure of such deplorable practices.

From ‘cooking of the books’, wilful violation of financial regulations, vehicle defeat devices to circumvent environmental regulations, to massive and undeserved packages to many executives and, in some instances, actual looting of the fiscus – all these developments have undermined the legitimacy of many polities in the eyes of the majority of citizens.

The ANC’s policies are informed by the need for the revival of local and African economies; driven by a new corps of continental leaders with peoples’ interests at heart. This sets the stage for improving the quality of life of our people.

The ANC seeks to harness the Africa Rising narrative. By some estimates, by the turn of the century, seven of the fastest growing economies in the world were located in Africa.

Africa’s trade with the rest of the world has grown massively; foreign debt has declined; and labour productivity has improved. Critically, these advances have found expression in such social indicators as improved income, lower rates of unemployment, reduction in poverty, higher rates of enrolment in primary education, and lower rates of under-five mortality.

As articulated in Agenda 2063, the continent seeks to attain prosperity based on sustainable development, democracy and citizen activism, good and ethical governance, as well as multifaceted integration and peace.

The fate of South Africa is inextricably linked to the continent’s future, and the progress the continent has made in the past twenty years has been to South Africa’s advantage.
Despite the daunting challenges that our country continues to face, we have done well. The Strategy and Tactics captures the point very clearly.

At the core of the ANC’s tasks in the current period is the renewal of the organisation for it to exercise societal leadership in a changing environment, and the speeding up of programme of fundamental transformation.

It is the task of all the cadres to unpack the themes outlined in the discussion documents. The release of these documents presents us with an opportunity to take stock of our methods of struggle and their effectiveness or lack thereof. It also beckons that we look deeply into the new conditions as a result of our new position in the country, continentally and globally.

We call upon branches and broader members of society to read and engage with the documents.

By Nathi Mthethwa, Minister of Arts and Culture and a Member of the NEC, NWC and Chairperson of Political Education Sub-committee of the NEC.