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Monday, 4 April 2016

South African News

politics

Jacob Zuma has captured the ANC

Zuma has not just cowed our institutions of democracy but has compromised the ANC, the party of Mandela and Oliver Tambo

Justice Malala
04 April 2016
THE main question about President Jacob Zuma‘s tenure since 2009 has not been how far or how high he would take us as a nation.
It was not about how he would build on the work of former presidents Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki. We knew that he would not even come close to their standards.
The main question about the Zuma presidency has been how much damage he will have inflicted on the ANC and South Africa by the time he leaves.
The farcical events that unfolded from 7pm on Friday, when he failed to take responsibility for his actions, tell us exactly how much damage Zuma has wrought, and opens up a frightening window onto just how much damage he is still capable of inflicting in the time he has left in office.
Considering that he has possibly a full three years in the Union Buildings, the damage could be huge.
Zuma will have destroyed the country and its economy by 2019, when he is forced by the constitution to step down at the end of his second term.
A man who has been found by a full bench of the Constitutional Court to have failed to uphold his oath of office is in charge of your country.
So why has the ANC not kicked him out? Friday‘s events tell us why. Zuma has not just cowed our institutions of democracy but has managed to go deep into the heart of power: He has compromised the ANC, the party of Mandela and Oliver Tambo, to ensure that he is untouchable.
He knows that, when all is said and done, only the ANC has the power to remove him from office.
A cunning political player, he has stuffed the party‘s top six leadership, the national working committee and the national executive committee with spineless cronies who are beholden to him.
When these lickspittles have to choose between the country and Zuma, between their own once glorious movement and the man from Nkandla, between the constitution of the republic and him, their choice is clear: Zuma.
That is why you had ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe saying on Friday things he did not believe. He had no choice. His party has been hijacked by the man he helped put in power.
Since he first took the oath of office, in 2009, Zuma has been doing everything in his power to bring our institutions of democracy and accountability to heel.
He started with the swift, illegal and brutal disbanding of the Scorpions crime-fighting unit and its replacement with the Hawks, a body that now investigates the likes of Public Protector Thuli Madonsela and is headed by a Zuma lackey who lied under oath.
That was followed by myriad other moves to ensure that no one can hold Zuma accountable.
When his own spy chiefs warned against his relationship with the Guptas, Zuma fired them all and installed a series of spineless yes-men to the intelligence agencies and the State Security Ministry.
Despite attempts to destroy the public protector and capture the judiciary, he has largely failed to capture all the people and all the institutions.
The Constitutional Court‘s judgment on Thursday was one of the most wonderful endorsements of our constitution and democracy.
It will go down in history, together with the dignified and brave actions of Madonsela over the past five years, as one of the proudest moments of our 22-year-old democracy.
But this is precious little compared to where we could be. Zuma has sold our democracy to the Gupta family by giving them sway in cabinet appointments and state-owned enterprises.
He has destroyed the capabilities of our security agencies by appointing cronies to top jobs.
He has poisoned the political environment and is wrecking the economy.
So why is he in power? It is because his greatest coup has been to capture the ANC.
There is no doubt that, on Friday, Mantashe and Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa — the chairman of the body that wrote the constitution — asked him to resign.
He probably laughed at them because he knew that he has packed all the ANC bodies that can recall him with his own cronies.
He knows that, of all the bodies that he has attempted to steal, it is the ANC that he had to lock down. He has.
Now, when the chips are down, he sleeps well at night knowing that he has three years in office to loot and wreck as he has been doing.
If Zuma does not go, by the time he leaves in 2019, the ANC will be a shadow of its former self.
South Africa will be the same.
After all, as the man has said, it is Zuma and his family first, the ANC second and the country last. That is what Friday‘s events told us in stark terms.
This article first appeared in The Times
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Southern African News

Writing the Struggle – Pan-Africanism according to Jomo Kenyatta

The late Kenyan founding president, Jomo Kenyatta who was also very instrumental in the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) the predecessor to the African Union summed up what pan-Africanism is about in a fable.
He said an elephant visited a friend, a man who lived in a small hut by the edge of the forest during a heavy storm.
Once there, the elephant asked if the man could allow him to just shield his trunk from the storm.
“My dear good elephant, my hut is very small, but there is room for your trunk and myself. Please put your trunk in gently,” the man offered.
“You have done me a good deed and one day I shall return your kindness,” elephant thanked the man.
Not long after, elephant squeezed his head inside the hut and then threw the man out in the heavy storm saying, “My dear good friend, your skin is harder than mine and as there is not enough room for both of us, you can afford to remain in the rain while I am protecting my delicate skin from the hail storm.”
The ensuing commotion brought other animals to the scene to see what was happening. The lion too came roaring about the noise in his kingdom.
“Don’t you know that I am the King of the jungle? How dare anyone disturb the peace of my kingdom?”
In response elephant said, “My Lord, there is no disturbance of the peace in your kingdom. I have only been having a little discussion with my friend here as to the possession of this little hut which your lordship sees me occupying.”
“I command my ministers to appoint a Commission of Enquiry to go thoroughly in to this matter and report accordingly,” lion ordered.
And to the man, lion said, “You have done well by establishing friendship with my people, especially with the elephant who is one of my honourable ministers of state.
“Do not grumble any more. Your hut is not lost to you. Wait until the sitting of my Imperial Commission and there you will be given plenty of opportunity to state your case. I am sure that you will be pleased with the findings of the Commission.” Assured, man was happy hoping that he would get justice and retain his hut.
Elephant as the senior minister was asked to appoint the commission. He then chose his closest friends among them Mr Rhinoceros, Mr Buffalo, Mr Alligator, The Rt Hon Mr Fox to act as chairman; and Mr Leopard who was the secretary. Knowing that all these were close to elephant, man complained but was assured further that he had nothing to fear because the members of the commission were corrigible people.
On the day of the enquiry, elephant told the commission that he only acted to save man’s hut from the storms.
“Gentlemen of the jungle, there is no need for me to waste your valuable time in relating a story which I am sure you all know. I have always regarded it as my duty to protect the interests of my friends, and this appears to have caused the misunderstanding between myself and my friend here.
“He invited me to save his hut from being blown away by a hurricane. As the hurricane had gained access owing to the unoccupied space in the hut, I considered it necessary, in my friend’s own interests, to turn the undeveloped space to a more economic use by sitting in it myself; a duty which any of you would undoubtedly have performed with equal readiness in similar circumstances,” elephant said. (to be continued)
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Southern African News


Tertiary institution should prioritise infrastructure development



> Nteboheleng Mabitso
Maseru – Southern African universities should make infrastructure development a priority if they are to offer quality tertiary education.
This statement was made by the Vice Chancellor at the National University of Lesotho (NUL) Professor Nqosa Mahao in an interview with Southern Times.
Prof Mahao said lack of infrastructure and moral seriously affects the quality of education offered by various institutions in the region.
He said NUL is the worst performing in the region as it ranges with Namibia, Botswana and Swaziland which is the lowest in terms of performance.
“Our tertiary institutions are not performing well because we do not have developed institutions, instead we sent people out of the country to study, therefore, most of the money gets eroded to neighbouring countries,” he said.
He said South Africa offers the best tertiary education in the region as it invests a lot in education but said he could not compare the tertiary institutions in the region with Europe and USA as they invest a lot in education.
In Lesotho NUL gets only R240 million which is reported to be the portion which is given to one faculty in SA universities, a faculty in the university of Witwatersrand to be specific.
Mahao said due to lack of infrastructure, studies have shown that school level performance in science in the regions out of  14, Lesotho is at 13 followed by Angola.
He said in Lesotho due to lack of infrastructure, university training is largely in Humanities.
Talking about accommodation, he said NUL has about 8000 students but only provides accomodation to 1300 and the rest are staying outside the campus where security and safety is still a challenge.
He said those students do not have access to internet and are not able to access reading materials online when they are outside school premises as some reside where there is no electricity.
On the other hand, Lecture Pharmaceutical Chemistry and Sciences at NUL Getrude Mothibe said the quality of education is measured through the services delivered to the community.
Mothibe said in NUL services different disciplines of professions such as Pharmaceutical courses at an early age.
Talking about how the education system differs compared to the one offered in United States of America and Europe, she said abroad, they offer generic knowledge but their students do not have skills to approach the community.
But for the countries in the region like Lesotho, she said they offer generic and development applications and that build on their future as in developing countries there are not many resources so Lectures versus trainers.
She said lectures work with less resources and that means there is more work as they have to be equipped with skills for some may be placed in rural areas where there are no resources.
In relation to accommodations facilities, she said SA offers the best. She said in Lesotho, it is crowded, buildings are not well maintained and students have to find accomodation not geared for learning in terms of all security and times gates close early denying them the opportunity to study.
On whether funding is enough, Mothibe said tertiary institutions are struggling because the government subvension is very low and government budget is very low and doesnt allow for expansion and that puts pressure against increasing fees.
She said that hampers tertiary educations in Lesotho.
Advocate Hoolo ‘Nyane an Independent Analyst said funding education through government is unsustainable for when fees increase, it means very few will be able to fund their education.
‘Nyane said it is important for institutions to find other sustainable ways of funding education like other institutions in the region which depends on research, and, therefore, those without cannot expect competitive outcomes.
He said high ranking universities comes from the first world come from first world which US, United United Kingdom and in Africa, SA, Cairo, Egypt, Nigeria.
He is it difficult to find high ranking universities from poor countries and its unimaginable as higher education and resources are invariable.
Deputy leader of the Basotho National Party (BNP) Chief Joang Molapo shared the same sentiments saying it is difficult to talk about tertiary institutions in SADC but said SA Witswatersrand provides the best engeeniring programs and are comparable to those studying in the US, University of Cape Town, Stellenbosch, University of Kwazulu,University of Botswana to mention a few, for they are ranked among the best in the world.
He said it is best that universities are compared based on their countires economic strengths.
Chief Molapo said NUL is no longer where it used to be 15 years ago but funding has remained the same as per Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
He also talked about infrastrure development as a main challenge but also pointed out that universities internationally do not depend on government funding but do researches.
Lerotholi Polytechnic as known as Fokothi Marketing Management student Lehlohonolo Choma said thier institutions are lacking behind in terms of infrastructure when compared to South Africa.
He said they have science laboratories, in terms of technology they are far from Lesotho. Choma also shared same sentiments that accomodation for students is a challenge.
Reports indicate that University of Cape Town is South Africa’s oldest university is also often rated as the continent’s best.
Wits is considered one of the top research institutions on the continent, boasting 20 South African Research Chairs, seven research institutes and 20 research units.
STELLENBOSCH UNIVERSITY ranked as the second best university in South Africa and Africa by the Times Higher Education World University Rankings list
Rhodes University the university’s school of Journalism and Media Studies is considered to be one of the best in the country, with many top journalists graduating from there.
The university of Pretoria is considered one of the leading research universities in South Africa.
University of Cape Town is known for excelling in creative, specialist areas of study and for taking a practical, hands-on approach to teaching (particularly in areas of design).
South Africa has a vibrant higher education sector, with 23 state-funded tertiary institutions: 11 universities, six universities of technology, and six comprehensive institutions.
Namibia: Polytechnic of Namibia admission is based on grade 12 certificate with a maximum of five qualifying subjects with a total score of 25 points or more and a E symbol or better in English.
At the University of Namibia’s basic requirement for entrance to undergraduate degree programmes is a Namibia Senior Secondary Certificate (NSSC) with a pass in five subjects with a total score of 25 points, on the UNAM evaluation scale, or more in not more than three examination sittings.
The University of Zambia School of Medicine is Zambia’s first Medical School. Its scope of academic instructional delivery has increased over the years to include not only the MB ChB Program, but also Pharmacy, Nursing Sciences, Biomedical Sciences, Physiotherapy, Environmental Health and Public Health.
Wits, Pretoria, UCT, Stellebosch have been ranked best medical schools.
SADC Protocol on Education says member states agreed that where necessary and appropriate, but without prejudice to do normal admission requirements, socially disadvantaged groups shall be given preference in admission to fields of study where they have featured prominently.
It contitues to say that further, the government shall where necessary provide special scholarships for students from socially disadvantaged groups.
The Protocol says member states agreed to recommend to universities and other tertiary instiutions in their countries to reserve at least five percent of admissions for students SADC nations other than countries of their own.
Member States also agreed to work towards harmonisation, equivalence and eventual standardisation equivalence and eventual standardisation of university entrance requirements.
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Southern African News

Timely rejuvenation of the African Peer Review Mechanism?

Timely rejuvenation of the African Peer Review Mechanism?


Six years before the 2014 Burkina Faso uprising, the country’s African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) report identified “omnipresent weight and domination of the majority, which seems to ‘block’ the democratic system and stifle multiparty politics”.
The assessment called on authorities to “provide appropriate responses and solutions to bring about the necessary change”.
In South Africa, the 2007 APRM report stated that “xenophobia against other Africans is currently on the rise and should be nipped in the bud.” Dozens of migrants have since lost their lives in attacks.
African Union Member States established the APRM in 2003 as a voluntary tool to assess political, economic and corporate governance, and socio-economic development in countries. It seeks to ensure that the policies and practices of participating states conform to African Union standards of transparency and accountability.
UNDP has provided financial and technical support to the APRM since 2003 as a singular inclusive platform that convenes different actors from government, civil society and other sectors to look holistically at a country’s status across these governance and development issues and agree on a way forward.
Once signed up, countries first grade themselves and then allow a panel of independent experts to assess the findings, followed by a government response. The combined report and resulting National Plan of Action are then shared with fellow heads of state and government in the APR Forum, where potential areas of support, shared experiences, etc., are discussed.
To date 35 countries have acceded to the APRM, of which 17 have put themselves forward for peer review. The findings have presented some common challenges across countries. These include corruption, youth bulges and unemployment, poor infrastructure, and inconsistent gender mainstreaming. The review also highlights good practices, ask critical questions, set goals, and differentiate responsibilities between government and non-governmental actors. The APRM reports also recommend mitigation actions for the challenges raised. The 2006 Kenya report, for instance, encouraged the government and political parties to work on conflict resolution mechanisms to build consensus on crucial national issues, defuse ethnic tension and promote tolerance. A year later, the country experienced post-election violence that saw thousands of people killed and hundreds of thousands displaced.
Despite its utility, the APRM has suffered some challenges. These include irregular payment of contributions by Member States, delays in review and lack of post-review follow-up due to changes in political leadership. Momentum is also slowed when countries that have acceded to the APRM do not opt for review.
The current Chair of the APR Forum, Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta has called on heads of state to recommit to the ideals of the mechanism. He is seeking to revitalize and refocus the APRM to deliver on continental and global development agendas.
A new Chief Executive Officer has been appointed.
Member States are being urged to meet their financial obligations to ensure a well-staffed and equipped secretariat to oversee the efficient running of the mechanism. Non-participating countries have also been called upon to join in order to ensure consistency in the implementation and monitoring of the global 2030 Agenda and Africa’s Agenda 2063.
More could be done to build on this progress. Regular payment of all assessed contributions would ensure a well-staffed and equipped continental secretariat to oversee the efficient running of the mechanism.
The secretariat could review the APRM process taking into account technological and legal developments since the mechanism was set up 13 years ago.
Reviews should be timed to align with a country’s national development planning process in order to integrate Action Plan outcomes and ring-fence resources for implementation.
Efforts should be made to include all segments of society in the review process to build ownership and sustainability of results.
The tenets of good governance, such as participation, transparency and accountability are not voluntary. So why should their monitoring be? It is time for the APRM to revisit its voluntary nature as a means to entrench these values continent-wide.
Goal 16 of the universal Sustainable Development Goals promotes peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, while Agenda 2063 envisions an integrated, prosperous and peaceful continent.
Both provide a timely opportunity for the APRM to deliver on its original vision – to foster conditions for economic integration, political stability and sustainable development.
David Omozuafoh
• David Omozuafoh is programme advisor for APRM and Governance Assessment, UNDP Africa
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