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Monday, 15 January 2018

What You Can Learn from Family Business






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    24.95 ADD TO CARTTo many, the phrase “family business” connotes a small or midsized company with a local focus and a familiar set of problems, such as squabbles over succession. While plenty of mom-and-pop firms certainly fit that description, it doesn’t reflect the powerful role that family-controlled enterprises play in the world economy. Not only do they include sprawling corporations such as Walmart, Samsung, Tata Group, and Porsche, but they account for more than 30% of all companies with sales in excess of $1 billion, according to the Boston Consulting Group’s analysis.
Conventional wisdom holds that the unique ownership structure of family businesses gives them a long-term orientation that traditional public firms often lack. But beyond that, little is known about exactly what makes family businesses different. Some studies suggest that, on average, they outperform other businesses over the long term—but other studies prove the opposite.
To settle that question, we and Sophie Mignon, an associate researcher at the Center for Management and Economic Research at École Polytechnique, compiled a list of 149 publicly traded, family-controlled businesses with revenues of more than $1 billion. They were based in the United States, Canada, France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Mexico. In each business a family owned a significant percentage, though not necessarily a majority, of the stock, and family members were actively involved both on the board and in management. We then created a comparison group of companies from the same countries and sectors, which were similar in size but not family controlled. (We didn’t look at Asian companies because so many of them are family controlled that it’s difficult to find a suitable comparison group.) Then we did a rigorous analysis of the ways in which those two sets of companies were managed differently and how that affected performance.
Our results show that during good economic times, family-run companies don’t earn as much money as companies with a more dispersed ownership structure. But when the economy slumps, family firms far outshine their peers. And when we looked across business cycles from 1997 to 2009, we found that the average long-term financial performance was higher for family businesses than for nonfamily businesses in every country we examined.


The simple conclusion we reached is that family businesses focus on resilience more than performance. They forgo the excess returns available during good times in order to increase their odds of survival during bad times. A CEO of a family-controlled firm may have financial incentives similar to those of chief executives of nonfamily firms, but the familial obligation he or she feels will lead to very different strategic choices. Executives of family businesses often invest with a 10- or 20-year horizon, concentrating on what they can do now to benefit the next generation. They also tend to manage their downside more than their upside, in contrast with most CEOs, who try to make their mark through outperformance.
At a time when executives of every company are encouraged to manage for the long term, we believe that well-run family businesses can serve as role models. In fact, in our research we were able to identify several companies with dispersed ownership whose strategies mimicked those of family firms. Those companies also exhibited a similar performance pattern: below their peers during upturns but leading the pack in times of crisis. (See the sidebar “It Operates Like a Family Business—but It’s Not.”)


So how do family-run firms manage for resiliency? We’ve identified seven differences in their approach:

1: They’re frugal in good times and bad.

After years of studying family businesses, we believe it’s possible to identify one just by walking into the lobby of its headquarters. Unlike many multinationals, most of these firms don’t have luxurious offices. As the CEO at one global family-controlled commodity group told us, “The easiest money to earn is the money we haven’t spent.” While countless corporations use stock grants and options to turn managers into shareholders and minimize the classic principal-agent conflict, family firms seem imbued with the sense that the company’s money is the family’s money, and as a result they simply do a better job of keeping their expenses under control. If you examine company finances over the last economic cycle, you’ll see that family-run enterprises entered the recession with leaner cost structures, and consequently they were less likely to have to do major layoffs. 

2: They keep the bar high for capital expenditures.

Family-controlled firms are especially judicious when it comes to capex. “We have a simple rule,” one owner-CEO at a family firm told us. “We do not spend more than we earn.” This sounds like simple good sense, but the reality is, you never hear those words uttered by corporate executives who are not owners. The owner-CEO added: “We make roughly €450 million of free cash flow every year, so we try to spend no more than €400 million per year, and we keep the balance for rainy days.”
At most family firms, capex investments have a double hurdle to clear: First a project must provide a good return on its own merits; then it’s judged against other potential projects, to keep spending under the company’s self-imposed limit. Because they’re more stringent, family businesses tend to invest only in very strong projects. So they miss some opportunities (hence their underperformance) during periods of expansion, but in times of crisis their exposure will be limited because they’ve avoided borderline projects that may turn into cash black holes.

3: They carry little debt.

In modern corporate finance a judicious amount of debt is considered a good thing because financial leverage maximizes value creation. Family-controlled firms, however, associate debt with fragility and risk. Debt means having less room to maneuver if a setback occurs—and it means being beholden to a nonfamily investor. The firms we studied were much less leveraged than the comparison group; from 2001 to 2009, debt accounted for 37% of their capital, on average, but for 47% of the nonfamily firms’ capital. As a result, the family-run companies didn’t need to make big sacrifices to meet financing demands during the recession. “People think we are rich and courageous,” one executive from a family firm told us, “but in fact we are cowardly—we leave most of the cash in the company to avoid giving away too much power to our banks.”

4: They acquire fewer (and smaller) companies.

Of all the plays a manager can make, a sparkly transformational acquisition may be the hardest to resist. It carries high risks but can pay large rewards. Many family businesses we studied eschewed these deals. They favored smaller acquisitions close to the core of their existing business or deals that involved simple geographic expansion. There were significant exceptions to this rule—when the family was convinced that its traditional sector faced structural change or disruption or when managers felt that not participating in industry consolidation might endanger the firm’s long-term survival. But generally, family companies aren’t energetic deal makers. On average, we found, they made acquisitions worth just 2% of revenues each year, while nonfamily businesses made acquisitions worth 3.7%—nearly twice as much. Family businesses prefer organic growth and will often pursue partnerships or joint ventures instead of acquisitions. As the HR director of a leading family-owned luxury goods company described it: “We don’t like big acquisitions—they represent too much integration risk, you may get the timing wrong and invest just before a downturn, and more importantly, you may alter the culture and fabric of the corporation.”

5: Many show a surprising level of diversification.

Plenty of family-controlled companies—such as Michelin and Walmart—remain focused on a core business. But despite a generation’s worth of financial wisdom that diversification is better done by individual investors than at a corporate level, we found a large number of family businesses—such as Cargill, Koch Industries, Tata, and LG—that were far more diversified than the average corporation. In our study 46% of family businesses were highly diversified, but only 20% of the comparison group were. Some family firms had expanded into new lines of business organically; others had acquired small entities in new fields and built on them. The CEOs we spoke with say that as recessions have become deeper and more frequent, diversification has become a key way to protect the family wealth. If one sector suffers a downturn, businesses in other sectors can generate funds that allow a company to invest for the future while its competitors are pulling back.

6: They are more international.

Family-controlled companies have been ambitious about their overseas expansion. They generate more sales abroad than other businesses do; on average 49% of their revenues come from outside their home region, versus 45% of revenues at nonfamily businesses. But family businesses usually achieve foreign growth organically or through small local acquisitions—without big cash outlays. And they are very patient once they enter a new market. “We accepted that we’d lose money in the U.S. for 20 years, but without this persistence we would not be the global leader today,” says one executive from a family-run global consumer products company.

7: They retain talent better than their competitors do.

Retention at the family-run businesses we studied was better, on average, than at the comparison companies; only 9% of the workforce (versus 11% at nonfamily firms) turned over annually.
The leaders of family companies extol the benefits of longer employee tenures: higher trust, familiarity with coworkers’ behaviors and decision making, a stronger culture. These businesses have a lot in common with what the academics Karlene Roberts and Karl Weick call “high-reliability organizations,” in which long-serving teams of specialists develop efficient team dynamics and a collective mind-set that helps them achieve goals. Says the CEO of one $10 billion diversified group: “We don’t have the smartest guys out there, but they know their job like nobody else, and when a problem hits they can act immediately as a team—one that has been there before.”
Interestingly, family businesses generally don’t rely on financial incentives to increase retention. Instead, they focus on creating a culture of commitment and purpose, avoiding layoffs during downturns, promoting from within, and investing in people. In our study we found that they spent far more on training: €885 a year per employee on average, versus an average of €336 at nonfamily firms.Examine these seven principles, and it becomes clear how coherent and synergistic they are: Adhering to one of them often makes it easier to follow the next. Frugality and low debt help reduce the need for layoffs, thus improving retention. International expansion provides a natural diversification of risks. Fewer acquisitions mean less debt. Money saved through frugality is invested wisely if the company keeps a high bar on capital expenditures. Instead of working in isolation, these principles reinforce one another nicely.
When we talk with executives at family-controlled firms, they speak derisively about competitors who “bet the farm” or “swing for the fences.” They talk about what keeps them up at night. Though they realize they are missing opportunities by being overly prudent, they hope to generate superior returns over time as business cycles turn from good to bad.
It’s evident that those cycles are speeding up. If that trend continues, the resilience-focused strategy of family-owned companies may become more attractive to all companies. In a global economy that seems to shift from crisis to crisis with alarming frequency, accepting a lower return in good times to ensure survival in bad times may be a trade-off that managers are thrilled to make.
A version of this article appeared in the November 2012 issue of Harvard Business Review.





Nicolas Kachaner is a senior partner and managing director in the Paris office of the Boston Consulting Group.


George Stalk, Jr., is senior adviser and fellow at Boston Consulting Group and a senior partner at BanyanGlobal Family Business Advisors. Mr. Stalk has made several contributions to HBR, including his first article, “Time—The Next Source of Competitive Advantage” (July–August 1988).

Alain Bloch is a professor at CNAM and HEC Paris, the academic director of HEC Entrepreneurs, and a cofounder of HEC Paris Family Business.






THE HISTORY OF A UNIFIED STUDENT SPORT MOVEMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA

Established: 8 December 1992  /  Constituted as SASSU: 16 April 1994  /  Re-Constituted as USSA: 19 April 2008


The establishment of the South African Student Sports Union (SASSU) introduced an exciting new era in student sport at tertiary education institutions.  The significance was that it unified two historical separate groupings within our society, i.e. students from historical Black and historical White institutions.  It did so in a way that sought to harness the experience and expertise of both groupings in order to establish a new tradition, one that reflected the aspirations of all student sports persons guided by the historical mission of tertiary education institutions, being centres for the acquisition of life skills and the imparting of knowledge and research.  SASSU was founded within this sector to promote sporting values and encourage sporting practice in harmony with, and complementary to, the academic character of tertiary education institutions. 

THE UNITY PROCESS

The unity process in sport at South African tertiary institutions started on 27 February 1990 when representatives of the South African Universities Sports Council (SAUSC) and students of the South African Tertiary Institutions Sports Council (SATISCO) met at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg to investigate the possibility of achieving unity in universities sport. Numerous meetings followed during which matters of mutual interest were identified and ways and means were sought to solve matters of difference in opinion. 

Because SATISCO involved tertiary institutions over the broad spectrum of universities, technikons, colleges of education and even agricultural colleges, it was nonsensical for the SAUSC to negotiate unity with SATISCO without involving the Sports Councils of the South African Technikons and Colleges. This led to the first ever conference on unity in tertiary sport held at the University of Cape Town on 22 and 23 April 1991 organised by the then interim SAU/SATISCO Commission with the assistance of the then Committee of University Principals (CUP). 

At this conference, Chaired by Dr Sam Ramsamy, the need was identified to establish a unified tertiary sports structure which would eventually be responsible for the co-ordination of all tertiary sport in South Africa. It was envisaged that this body would act as a consultative and representative body for South African student sport, liaise with national and international bodies, and be responsible for the organisation of national tertiary tournaments and the selection of teams for participation in the activities of the International University Sports Federation (FISU). This body would also have the responsibility to address the needs and imbalances of students in tertiary sport through national and international development projects and activities. 

The Conference recommended the setting up of a Tertiary Sports Conference Commission (TSCC) consisting of two representatives each from the following student sport structures:
1.South African Tertiary Institutions Sports Council (SATISCO);
2.South African Tertiary Institutions Sports Association (SATISA);
3.South African Universities Sports Council (SAUSC);
4.South African Technikons Sports Council (SATSC);
5.Sports Council of the SA Teachers' Colleges (SCSATC);
6.South African Inter-Colleges Sports Association (SAICSA).

The TSCC chaired by Mr John Donald, was given the task of attending to the general philosophy of tertiary sport, the structure and constitution for a unified tertiary sports organisation, the sporting needs of students in tertiary institutions, and addressing the sports imbalances in tertiary institutions. The Commission further agreed to co-opted Louis Nel, Sports Secretary of the CUP as General Secretary of the Commission. 

The TSCC met three times (8 August; 30 September and 13 November 1991) during which agreement was reached upon the principles on which unity should be based. The TSCC also attended to the formation of regions and the implementation of an acceptable competition and administrative structures for the proposed umbrella body for tertiary sport. During this time, SATISCO and SATISA unified to form the South African Tertiary Institutions Sports Union (SATISU) while SCSATC and SAICSA unified in the South African Colleges Sports Association (SACSA). 

The TSCC completed its work by the end of 1991 with the submission of a document containing a report on their activities. The Commission recommended that each tertiary sports structure should nominate three representatives to serve in an Interim Committee for South African Student Sport (ICSASS) with the mandate to draft a constitution and finalise unity in order to establish a unified umbrella structure which would be responsible for the coordination of sporting activities amongst tertiary institutions. 

The year of 1992, was characterised by a series of long debates within the various tertiary sports structures on the issue of establishing a unified umbrella student sport structure. On 21 August 1992, the TSCC met for a fourth time to discuss the report back received on their proposals. All delegates reported that their respective structures supported the concept of an umbrella structure for tertiary sport and that their members are committed to the unity process. The TSCC then handed over to ICSASS to draft a constitution for a unified student sports movement in South Africa. 

ICSASS met three times (23 September; 17 October and 7/8 December 1992) during which motions for a constitution were thoroughly debated. On 8 December 1992, ICSASS completed its work with the submission of a first draft constitution for the establishment of the South African Student Sports Union (SASSU). The Committee also came up with a proposed administrative structure for such a structure. It further agreed that the delegates mandated by each tertiary structure, should carry on as the Interim Committee of SASSU until such time as the first Biennial General Meeting of SASSU was held. All representatives then signed the draft constitution which marked the official birth date for the establishment of SASSU. The draft constitution together with a memorandum regarding the foundation of SASSU, were then circulated to all tertiary institutions for their comment. 

The Interim Committee of the South African Student Sports Union (ICSASSU) met four times (10/11 March; 30 April; 11 June and 17 September 1993) during which the Committee discussed feedback received from institutions. ICSASSU also attended to:
1.the establishment of an office and administrative infrastructure for SASSU;
2.the formulation of a final draft constitution for SASSU which would serve before a Special General Meeting of all tertiary institutions;
3.the establishment of contact with and affiliation to the International University Sport Federation (FISU);
4.the seeking of national and international recognition for SASSU as the official umbrella body for tertiary sport in South Africa;
5.the establishment of subcommittees;
6.facilitating unity in the various sports codes practised at tertiary institutions;
7.an emblem and colours. 

On 11 June 1993, ICSASSU completed its work when all the delegates of the four founder members (SATISU, SAUSC, SATSC and SACSA) agreed upon and accepted the final draft constitution of SASSU. The delegates in the Interim Committee further agreed that:
1.the final draft constitution would be circulated to all tertiary institutions for their comment;
2.they would promote this constitution amongst their respective members;
3.the constitution would serve at a Special General Meeting (SGM) where all institutions will have the opportunity to debate and adopt the constitution;
4.the SGM be called for 18 September 1993. 

On 18 September 1993, sports administrators and students representing tertiary institutions from all over South Africa, assembled in Durban with the intention to constitute SASSU. This meeting could however not reach consensus on motions submitted by individual members of SACSA aimed at changing the proposed structure of student sport as agreed by the TSCC, ICSASS and ICSASSU in the months and years of negotiations. This led to a heated debate which eventually ended in a vote of no confidence in the Interim Committee and the disbanding of ICSASSU. 

With an obligation towards FISU and the student sports fraternity in South Africa, and after broad consultation with various tertiary bodies, the General Secretary of SASSU requested the founder members of SASSU to nominate persons to serve on a reconstituted Interim Committee in order to continue and finalise the unity process in tertiary sport. After a series of negotiations which also involved the Executive Committees of the CUP and the Committee of College of Education Rectors of South Africa (CCERSA), the various founder members came to an agreement that:
1.the unity process should continue;
2.the reconstituted Interim Committee should finalise the SASSU constitution;
3.the previous draft constitution of SASSU be used as a point of departure;
4.that Prof G J Gerwel, the then Chairperson of the CUP and the Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Western Cape, should chair the initial meetings of the newly constituted Interim Committee. 

On 8 February 1994, the newly constituted Interim Committee of the SASSU (ICSASSU) chaired by Prof Gerwel met at the University of Johannesburg (the then Rand Afrikaans University). At the meeting three main points of difference and/or concern were identified, i.e. the issue of a student being the president of SASSU, the composition of the council and the three tiered structure as favoured by the colleges versus regional structures. The Chairperson however made it clear that future deliberations had to be done against the background of national developments in tertiary or higher education which will have a direct effect on sport at a tertiary level. After another three meetings which included broad consultation (14 February 1994, 4 March 1994 and 14 March 1994) the Interim Committee finally reached agreement on a final draft of the SASSU constitution (Draft: 14 March 1994). 

On 16 April 1994, at a historic meeting held at the University of Port Elizabeth chaired by Prof J W Grobbelaar (Chief Director: CUP), the major role players in tertiary sport unanimously agreed to join forces when seventy-eight (78) tertiary educational institutions officially constituted the South African Student Sports Union (SASSU). After four (4) years of negotiations during which many compromises were made, agreement was finally reached on the establishment of a united non-racial national umbrella structure that will represent and protect the sporting interests of all students at tertiary educational institutions. 

SASSU has based its founding principles on a commitment to promote a peaceful, united, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society through the medium of sport and sporting contact, where all persons are equal, where all students may compete equally in sporting competition and where the tenets of affirmative action apply based on the equitable provision and distribution of sporting facilities. Attention was also given to the fact of system differentiation in South African tertiary education reflected in the existence of distinct university, technikon and college sectors. 

While the establishment of SASSU marks the start of a new era in South African tertiary sport, it simultaneously concludes the final chapter in the long history of old establishment sport structures like the Sports Councils of the South African Universities, Technikons and Colleges which have made way for consultative sports forums in order to advise the Committee of University Principals (CUP), Committee of Technikon Principals (CTP) and the Committee of College of Education Rectors of South Africa (CCERSA) on sporting matters of mutual, professional and technical interest.

THE EARLY YEARS

The early years of SASSU was marked with negotiations at various levels with stakeholders in government, sport and higher education in order to establish SASSU’s position within the National Sports and Education Framework.  By June 1996, it became clear to SASSU that the Department of Education had other important priorities and that it would not consider the funding of students sport.  The NEC of the time then recommended that SASSU should be established within the Department of Sport and Recreation South Africa (SRSA) with a strong link to the tertiary education sector since SASSU’s responsibility and clientele is within that sector.  SASSU’s patience eventually paid off and on 28 January 1997, when an agreement was reached between the Minister of Education, Minister of Sport and Recreation, Committee of University Principals (CUP), Committee of Technikon Principals (CTP) and the NEC of SASSU, that SASSU be placed under the care of SRSA who will take responsibility for the various development and international projects of SASSU.  The CUP and CTP further agreed to continue with their present financial assistance towards the SASSU administration and to provide for the salaries and benefits of two (2) staff members, i.e. Secretary General and Administrative Assistant. 

On 27 May 1998, the National Department of Sport and Recreation released the White Paper on Sport and Recreation which determines that: “The recognised co-ordinating body for the organisation of sport at tertiary education level is SASSU (South African Student Sports Union).  SASSU’s functions include the following:
a)Implementation of government policy on sport and recreation at tertiary level;
b)Its core business involves sharing of its specialised resources (both human and infra-structural) with the community, maximising participation and co-ordinating intra- and inter-institutional competitions;
c)Making representations to the macro-bodies (NSC & NOCSA) and relevant government departments, with respect to tertiary sport;
d)Liaising with national and provincial federations with respect to tertiary sport;
e)Liaising with its international parent body, the International University Sports Federation (FISU);
f)Facilitating South Africa’s participation at international tertiary education institution sports events.” 

SASSU BECAME USSA

During 2003, the Minister of Sport & Recreation South Africa (SRSA) appointed a MTT Steering Committee, entrusted with the responsibility to establish a Section 21 company to focus on high performance sport in South Africa and to ensure harmonization of the activities of SRSA (who will take on the responsibility for mass participation) with the new body, i.e. SASCOC.  On 2 November 2004, the MTT recommended that USSASA, SASSU and DISSA should continue with their activities, except for the presentation and preparation of “Team South Africa” which will participate in multi-sport international events and which will become the responsibility of SASCOC.  The MTT further recommended that the future positions of these organizations shoud be resolved through negotiations with SASCOC.

In April 2008 and after four years of intense negotiations, SASSU and the South African Sports Confederation and Olympic Committee (SASCOC) reached consensus on the way forward for university sport in South Africa.  SASCOC agreed that, due to the unique nature of student sport universally, that university sport should continue to exist independently in its current format and that the name of SASSU is changed to University Sport South Africa (USSA).  It was agreed that USSA will proceed as the official national co-ordinating umbrella sports structure for the regulation and organisation of all university sports activities in South Africa, while SASCOC will take responsibility for the preparation and delivery of teams to all high performance multi-coded international events, i.e. FISU Universiades, FASU and CUCSA Games.  USSA in association with National Federations will however still remain responsible for the preparation and delivery of teams that will participate in individual FISU World University Championship events.  The selection of national university sports teams shall be in accordance with FISU Regulations as well as the USSA and SASCOC selection policies. 

On 19 April 2008 at the Annual General Meeting of SASSU, the membership unanimously agreed to the way forward and re-constituted SASSU as USSA.  The current NEC was retained in office.  USSA and SASCOC further agreed to the establishment of a SASCOC Student Sports Commission that will serve as a link between the Executive Board of SASCOC and the NEC of USSA.  The function of this Commission shall be to make representations to SASCOC, National Federations and Government Departments regarding student sport matters at tertiary education institutions in South Africa.
On 13 March 2009, the CEO of SASCOC informed USSA that after a meeting between the Minister of Sport and the President of SASCOC, a decision was taken in relation to the management of student sport, i.e.
  • That USSA takes care of the administration of student sport matters in South Africa;
  • That USSA apply for associate member status to SASCOC;
  • That USSA will then be responsible for all issues around student sport including the preparation and delivery of its teams to multi-sport events;
  • That USSA secure its own resources towards these obligations;
  • That SASCOC will ensure through its federations that the USSA sport codes function within the guidelines of the National Federations;
  • That SASCOC will ensure that its federations monitor the systems used and the quality of performance of the selected athletes.

INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION

On 7 July 1993, SASSU's application for affiliation with the International University Sports Federation (FISU), backed by the National Olympic Committee of South Africa (NOCSA) and the Department of National Education (DNE), served before the General Assembly of FISU held in Buffalo, USA. The General Assembly unanimously accepted SASSU's application and draft constitution which resulted in SASSU being granted full membership of FISU. 

On 17 September 1996 at a meeting held in Zomba, Malawi, SASSU became a full member of the Africa Zone VI student sport family when the Organisation's application for membership was unanimously accepted by the General Meeting of the Confederation of University and College Sports Associations (CUCSA). 

In May 2001, the Secretary General of SASSU presented the Organisation’s credentials to a steering committee of the Africa University Sports Federation (FASU) at a meeting held in Lagos, Nigeria.  SASSU’s membership was confirmed by the General Assembly of FASU at a meeting held in Abuja, Nigeria on 19 May 2002.

SOURCE: USSA

Wednesday, 12 April 2017

Thusong Service Centres Need To Be More Connected To Their Communities

By Department of Communications (South Africa)

The Thusong Service Centre (formerly known as Multi-Purpose Community Centres — MPCCs) programme of government was initiated in 1999 as one of the primary vehicles for the implementation of development communication and information and to integrate government services into primarily rural communities. 

This was done to address historical, social and economic factors, which limited access to information, services and participation by citizens, as they had to travel long distances to access these services.

Thusong Service Centres are one-stop, integrated community development centres, with community participation and services relevant to people’s needs. They aim to empower the poor and disadvantaged through access to information, services and resources from government, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), parastatals, business, etc. enabling them to engage in government programmes for the improvement of their lives.

Government’s vision for Thusong Service Centres is to provide every South African citizen with access to information and services within their place of residence and in each local municipality by 2014 with the purpose of improving the quality of their lives through integrated service delivery.

By the end of March 2012, 171 Thusong Service Centres were in operation, making a crucial contribution to the expansion of infrastructure for access to information and services that citizens can use. 

Typical services found in these centres include those from the departments of Home Affairs, Labour, South African Social Security Agency (SASSA), Social Development, Government Communications and Information Systems (GCIS), and the department of Health as well as telecentres, the Post Office, libraries, agricultural extension offices and municipal services. Community Development Workers, the South African Police Service, NGOs and community-based organisations, also offer services through the centres.

Thusong Service Centre Partners


Harnessing the energy of partners is key to the programme

Building partnerships is a major focus of the Thusong Service Centre programme. Strong partnerships guarantee sustainable and effective service delivery at Thusong Service Centres. Partners support all aspects of the programme, from funding to enhancing the services provided.

Although the programme is driven by government, Thusong Service Centres are ideal platforms from which businesses and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) can offer their services and reach a wide sector of the market.

Qunu
June 2015
Each year, on the 17th of May the International Telecommunication Union marks the anniversary of the signing of the first International Telegraph Convention and the creation of this organisation.
Read more...


Partners at Thusong Service Centres are:
  • service providers (government, civil society and private sector)
  • government strategic planners/policy-makers (national, provincial and municipal)
  • local communities benefiting from Thusong Service Centres
  • development agencies
  • parastatals
  • funding partners
Participation and firm commitment are integral to the Thusong Service Centre programme. Consequently, partners have the following critical roles to play:
  • Political spheres: Influencing efficient service delivery and participatory partnership
  • National, provincial and local government: Strategic planners implement the programme, line departments ensure service delivery
  • Parastatals: Critical to infrastructural process
  • Civil society, community-based organisations and NGOs: Providing services and resources
  • Private sector: Providing services and contributing broader resources.
The Government Communication and Information System (GCIS) provides overall co-ordination and support, reporting to the Governance and Administration Cluster and Cabinet Committee. Other government partners and roles are listed below:

Partners in national government
  • National Treasury
    • Funding options and strategy
    • Alignment of funding
    • Public Private Partnership (PPP) strategy for Thusong Service Centres
    • Technical assistance with business planning
  • Department of Provincial and Local Government
    • Co-ordination at provincial, local and district level
    • Municipal Infrastructure Grant (MIG)
    • Alignment of Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy/Urban Renewal Programme with Thusong Service Centres
  • Department of Public Service and Administration
    • E-government strategy through E-Gateway Portal
    • Legislation re: access strategy, service level agreements, human resources
    • Community Development Workers’ alignment strategy
    • Thusong Service Centre co-ordination
  • Department of Public Works
    • Infrastructure advice and roll-out
    • Lease agreements at centres
  • Department of Trade and Industry - Local Economic Development co-ordinators
    • Provision of economic opportunity projects and programmes
  • Departments of Home Affairs, Social Development, Labour, Agriculture, and Minerals and Energy
    • Roll-out alignment (budgets and infrastructure)
    • Service delivery plan at provincial and district levels
    • Resource deployment plan at district level (human resources and tools)
    • Reporting to national co-ordinator
Partners in provincial and local government
  • Premier’s offices
    • Co-ordination and governance at provincial level
    • Co-ordinate establishment and management of PPP at provincial level
    • Alignment with provincial growth and development summits
    • Report to national co-ordinators
    • Development of proper structures and systems, service level agreements, monitoring, evaluation and support of the programme
  • South African Local Government Association
    • Co-ordination of district and local municipalities
  • District and local municipalities
    • Co-ordination and governance of implementation at district and municipal levels
    • Provision of centre management and staff
    • Alignment with integrated development plans
    • Development and implementation of district and local promotional and marketing plans
Other partners
  • Department of Communications, South African Post Office, Sentech, National Electronic Media Institute of South Africa, Telkom
    • Information and communications (ICT) strategy
    • Community radio stations
    • Public Information Terminals (PiTs)
    • Contribute to intersectoral steering committees
  • Universal Service Access Agency of South Africa (USAASA)
    • ICT strategy
    • Establishment of telecentres
  • State Information Technology Agency
    • ICT strategy
    • Connectivity
  • South African Management Development Institute (SAMDI)
    • Capacity-building strategy
Many other government departments (national and provincial), NGOs and private-sector stakeholders support this programme as it intensifies. Partnership in the programme is worthwhile because:
  • information needs of citizens are placed first in the communication process
  • people are empowered through participation
  • development is based on consultation and strong networks at community level
  • a wide-level commitment is followed rather than a top-down process
  • you find improved access to services
  • there is face-to-face interaction between government and the people
  • the centre model suits community needs: hubs for large centres, satellites for smaller centres and mobile units for vast/inaccessible geographic areas.
SOURCE: Department of  Communications (South Africa)

Tuesday, 11 April 2017

The Citizen

National 20.3.2017 10:50 am

14-year-old boy paralysed by school principal has died

Choma in hospital.
Choma in hospital.

The boy had allegedly stolen R150. The family now wants R25m in damages from the state.

A 14-year-old boy from Mhluzi township in Middelburg, Mpumalanga, Sphamandla Choma, who was paralysed after allegedly being assaulted by his school principal for stealing R150 has died, Mpumalanga News reports.

MEC for education Reginah Mhaule recently paid a courtesy visit to the family of the learner after he was beaten by his school principal.


“I have received a preliminary report from the school, but there is a need to strengthen the report so that there are no loopholes in it. We have instituted an independent body from other districts to investigate the matter further,” said Mhaule recently.

Last week, Choma’s family, through their lawyer, lodged a R25 million lawsuit against the department of education in Mpumalanga.

Caxton News Service

Access to low-income houses made easy by moladi

Access to low-income houses made easy by moladi in Africa


low-income houses in Africa
low-income houses in Africa

Access to low-income houses in Africa made easy by Moladi

By Thandisizwe Mgudlwa on March 11, 2013 in General News

Moladi, a South African based company established in 1986, makes housing accessible to low-income people through innovative and eco-friendly technology.

Decent housing is one of the key factors in the fight against poverty and social exclusion. It is not just about putting a roof over someone’s head – development experts attest.

Academic research proves that access to a clean and stable home implicates an improvement in security, health and education.

The Moladi system consists of a reusable and recyclable plastic formwork mould, which is filled with stone-less concrete and a special chemical additive. This additive ensures that, once the mortar is set, the formwork can be removed – and reused up to 50 times.

According to founder Hennie Botes, the brickless walls can withstand all types of weather. The formwork is lightweight allowing easy transportation. Due to the simplicity in design and the repetitive application scheme, construction costs can be reduced significantly.

The Moladi model is not only cost-effective but fast too. Botes further commented that the wall structure of a house can be completed within one day. A further plus point, especially in remote areas, is that the construction does not require heavy machinery or electricity.

With the motto “Train the unemployed to build for the homeless”, Moladi combines construction with economic development. The company also offers training locally for the unemployed thereby creating jobs and empowering the community as a whole.

Due to the simplicity of the approach, construction techniques and skills can be transferred in a short time. In this way, the communities benefit from affordable shelter and skilled entrepreneurs (in the area of low-cost housing) at the same time.

Moladi’s success in over 20 countries shows that affordable housing is an important key in finding solutions to promoting security and alleviating poverty.


Affordable Housing Production System - moladi
Affordable Housing Production System - moladi

For more information on Access to low-income houses made easy by moladi - visit www.moladi.net

 
Keywords - moladi, Access to low-income houses made easy, low-income housing, Africa, affordable housing, Hennie Botes, formwork, building system, construction techniques, entrepreneurs


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Friday, 7 April 2017

President Zuma Successfully Opens the 3rd Presidential Local Government Summit

April 6, 2017


By Jacob Zuma

It is a great pleasure indeed to address you at this Third Presidential Local Government Summit following the two we have held in Khayelitsha and in Gauteng respectively.

We meet today on an important day on which we commemorate the tragic execution of Solomon Mahlangu by the apartheid state in 1979.

He was a dedicated freedom fighter who paid the supreme price for fighting for the liberation of our country and its people.

On this solemn occasion we recall his last words: "My blood will nourish the tree that will bear the fruits of freedom. Tell my people that I love them. They must continue the fight."

The execution of the young Solomon Mahlangu provoked widespread international outrage. Today, in his honour the fight continues, this time to accelerate economic transformation and improve the lives of our people.

Compatriots,

When we met in Khayelitsha we emphasised the importance of the strong collaborations among all spheres of government in service delivery.

 In 2014 in Gauteng, we said we must go back to the basics, and recommitted ourselves to providing basic services more adequately, professionally and in a more caring manner.

At the Second Presidential Summit in Khayelitsha there was agreement that local government performance should be improved to ensure provision of basic services and that people’s needs are met.

The objective of the Back to Basics programme launched in 2014, is to create well-functioning municipalities that serve their communities better.

It encompasses five pillars:

Putting people first and ensuring effective public participation platforms for them.

Creating conditions for decent living by consistently delivering municipal services to the right quality and standard. This includes planning for and delivery of infrastructure and amenities, maintenance and upkeep.

Thirdly, good governance, efficient administration and accountability.

The fourth is sound financial management and accounting, prudent management of resources and the fifth, sound institutional and administrative capabilities at all levels.

This Summit is now an opportune time, at the beginning of the new term of local government, to deliberate about the priorities for the next five years.

As this is the first time since the last local government elections that we meet formally, let me welcome our newly elected and returning councillors and thank them for availing themselves for national service.

I would like to congratulate all municipalities - councillors and municipal staff – who have made a difference in changing peoples’ lives and living conditions.

But before we consider the challenges going forward, let us reflect on the achievements and progress we have made over the last two decades in changing people’s lives and living conditions.

According to the latest General Household Survey of Statistics South Africa, the progress achieved between 2002 and 2015 includes an increase from seventy-seven percent to eighty five percent in the number of households with access to electricity.

We achieved an increase from eighty five percent to more than ninety percent of households with access to piped water.

Also, the share of households obtaining sanitation services went up from sixty-two percent to eighty percent.

At the time of the survey more seventy eight percent of South African households lived in formal dwellings, followed by fourteen percent who lived in informal dwellings, and seven percent in traditional dwellings.

Fourteen percent of South African households were living in RDP or state-subsidised dwellings. In addition, eighteen percent female-headed households received a government housing subsidy, whilst twelve percent of male-headed households received a government housing subsidy.

It must be mentioned that South Africa’s population during this period, also increased from about forty million in 2001, to about fifty five million in 2015, and our people are living longer thanks to our improved health services among others.

Although we can be proud of the above achievements we still must confront a number of challenges. I will mention just a few.

We have a high number of households without access to piped water. We have bad roads, poor quality in some of our RDPs, a crumbling water infrastructure and poor sewage systems in some areas. We also face poor financial management in some municipalities and insufficient revenue collection.

There is also still poor interaction between Councillors and communities in some municipalities.

We are aware of these challenges and affected municipalities should work harder and faster to correct them, which is why we come together as we are doing this week.

This Summit aims to provide strategic direction for the new term of local government.

Importantly, from this Summit must emerge a focused action plan on the way in which all three spheres of government and all partners should work together to ensure the deepening of the Back-to-Basics programme.

The action plan must build on the progress registered since our last summit and should enable us to be even more responsive to the needs and aspirations of local communities than before.

The first phase of the Back-to-Basics programme focused on laying the foundation for a developmental local government, by doing the basics that we just outlined, very properly.

We now have to move to the second phase, in which the Back-to-Basics approach continues to build a functional and developmental local government system that delivers on its Constitutional and legislative mandates within a system of cooperative governance.

Critical in this phase as well, is the need to tackle both the spatial challenges and the socio-economic transformation requirements facing our country and communities.

The second phase of the Back-to-Basics programme will focus on a few key interventions;

First, is ensuring that we build programmes to ‘Manage Municipal Spaces for Radical Social and Economic Transformation’;

Second, is affirming the centrality of integrated and spatially coherent development planning across sectors and spheres; and

Third, strengthening intergovernmental and multi-stakeholder relations in Disaster Risk Reduction.

Colleagues and compatriots,

We must also strive to develop an integrated approach where we not only focus on governance, but also have a deeper understanding and appreciation of the socio-economic problems facing our people.

We must thus have an in-depth understanding of the differences in the space economies of the various types of our municipalities – the metros, secondary cities, districts and small rural towns.

For this purpose, we must develop a national differentiated socio-geographic classification based on this understanding.

As you are aware, we have decided to focus firmly on radical socio-economic transformation in the remaining term of this government.

But let us remind ourselves what we mean by radical socio-economic transformation!

We mean the fundamental change in the structure, systems, institutions and patterns of ownership, management and control of the economy in favour of all South Africans, especially the poor, the majority of whom are African and female.

We need to see radical socio-economic transformation in local government.

This requires that apartheid’s settlement geography must be confronted and a new and more cohesive society must be born.

Apartheid geography and centralised spatial planning ensured that the majority of our people were housed and located in marginal areas from the city centres, far away from the economic hub and opportunities, as well as from services.

This perpetuated their exclusion from the economy.
 
Therefore, the management of municipal spaces for Radical Social and Economic Transformation requires municipalities to do a few things.

They must radically transform the residential areas by connecting and integrating places of work and human settlements to build an inclusive economy and sustainable human settlements.

They must work hard to raise the living standards and quality of life of all the people in the municipal area.

At the centre of a municipality’s social transformation activities must be the provision of social protection to the vulnerable; in particular women and children, the eradication of poverty, and the building of social cohesion and social solidarity.

A municipality’s objective must also be to turn the tide against the current spatial patterns of apartheid in the next five to fifteen years, though better and coordinated land use management, ensuring that a new built environment and inclusive spatial landscape emerges across the country.

They must include effective public transport infrastructure development, as well as new integrated and sustainable human settlements and post-apartheid cities that are more connected, liveable, smart and green.

The renewal of old towns, inner-city regeneration as well as township renewal must be a key focus of our municipalities.

They must revitalise and mainstream township economies by supporting the development of township enterprises, co-operatives and SMMEs that will produce goods and services that meet the needs of township residents.

Township entrepreneurs must be used to produce food such as bread for school nutrition and hospitals, clothes for school and police uniforms, and furniture for government offices.

If we do this, we would bring millions of township residents into the mainstream of the economy, hence the need to revamp economic infrastructure and improve these areas.

All spheres must work together to ensure that all township roads and streets are tarred, that the bucket system is eradicated and that all hostels are turned into family units.

All spheres must prevent illegal land invasion and growth of informal settlements.

If we do all this, our people will see a difference in their lives and the fruits of freedom will become visible to all.

Colleagues and compatriots,

In this year’s State of the Nation Address, I emphasised that we are building a South Africa that is free from poverty, inequality and unemployment, as guided by the National Development Plan (NDP).

This requires stronger collaborations and changes in the implementation of the Back-to-Basics programme.

Indeed, there is a lot we should do to build better municipalities and ensure that our people’s experience of local government is a pleasant one.

That is what this summit is all about. We must all ensure that when people visit municipal offices, they return home smiling because of an excellent service they would have received.

They should also live in communities where there is water, good roads, electricity, recreational parks and other amenities.

In the 2017 State of the Nation Address we announced that we dedicate 2017 to honour Oliver Reginald Tambo.

It is the year of unity in action by all South Africans as we move South Africa forward, together.

Let us emphasise unity within local government, in honour of OR Tambo, and so that we can achieve all our goals faster.

It is my pleasure and honour to declare the Third Presidential Local Government Summit officially open, and to launch Phase 2 of the Back to Basics Programme.

I thank you.

This is an edited address by President Jacob Zuma on the occasion of the 3rd Presidential Local Government Summit in Pretoria, on April 6, 2017

Daily Maverick

7 April 2017 15:51 (South Africa)
Politics

Op-Ed: When will South Africans learn that the ballot is mightier than the picket?

  • Gwen Ngwenya
  • Politics
  • 183 Reactions

Tomorrow, 7 April 2017, thousands of South Africans will take to the streets to allegedly save South Africa and to defend our democracy. Save South Africa marks it as the day for “a massive people’s push” and goes further to add that “united public protest is the only way to stop further state capture and to defend our democracy”.  Civil society groupings have echoed the likes of Equal Education in urging their members “to participate in all mass actions aimed at freeing our country and defending our democracy from the shackles of the Guptas and Jacob Zuma”. But its the ballot that holds the real power. By GWEN NGWENYA.
There have to date been seven motions of no confidence against Jacob Zuma, all of which have failed. At the most recent of these attempts 58 ANC MP’s did not vote, including the former Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan. What we know is that Zuma is a product of the ANC, bolstered throughout two terms in office by people who cheerfully, or through their silence, supported him. The so called “good guys” in the ANC can’t blame the mirror if they don’t like what they see. There is no nefarious third force conjuring up a mirage of cowardice, the mirror simply reflects what is before it.
 
Fifty-eight MP’s who were probably suffering a crisis of conscious chose not to vote. To now call upon South Africans to mobilise against your own party's failures is contemptuous and an egregious shifting of responsibility. An urban march, even with 100,000 people or more is not a national ballot. The democratically elected leader must step down off the back of an angry mob? That’s not democracy. If Zuma must go then he must be removed by South Africa’s elected representatives, who through a democratic process sit in Parliament vested with the will of the people. 
 
Friday’s march is the will of the people subjugated to well-meaning but confused business professionals, in hand with ANC sympathisers masquerading as civil society, and led by the Communist Party who have put on an act of victimhood and contrition so beguiling it beggars belief. 
 
South Africa’s Communist Party whose first guiding principle is to “end the system of capitalist exploitation in South Africa and establish a socialist society” is going to lead the charge to restore global investor confidence and calm in South Africa’s capital markets? That is what is set to take place in South Africa on Friday, mobilising in support of Communist Party members to save democracy and the economy. Even in a work of political fiction that narrative would appear to stretch the reader’s imagination too far. 
 
The step to any reform begins with the admission that this is not about one man and his cronies. The party cannot get away with the narrative of a “rogue” group vs the good group; 2009 was meant to rid the country of Thabo Mbeki’s cronyism, but the ANC’s patronage networks now make Mbeki look like he handed out lucky packets (children’s party favours) in comparison. And now we’re doing it again, being tricked into thinking if we purge one man and his closest acolytes all will be well. The corruption, Marikana, the under- resourcing of higher education, the deficient governance of state-owned enterprises, the investor hostile policies etc, they all happened under the governing party’s watch. 
 
South Africa was already teetering on the edge of an economic cliff before the reshuffle – we must be cognisant of how we got to so close to the edge, not just on what tipped us over.
Pravin Gordhan kept South Africa on the cliff edge, largely through the art of persuasion; getting in front of investors and giving the right assurances. But given time persuasion would necessarily have given way to deliverables, and on that basis there is little to suggest Gordhan’s fiscal rescue mission would be a success. South Africa’s Public Expenditure Bill had increased, further funds were committed to dysfunctional state-owned enterprises and the taxpayer has been squeezed with little sign of future reprieve as growth projections were pitifully low. The danger then in deifying Gordhan and demonising  Zuma is that the protest loses all legitimacy as being concerned about the future. 
 
The gravest threat to democracy is that many South Africans cannot break free of the ANC, and are doomed to engage in the theatre of freedom on the streets, but never experience the true protest that happens in the secret confines of the ballot box. 
 
It is an astonishing thought that over 20 years into democracy and after five national elections and five municipal elections, there are millions of people who are aggrieved with the ANC but have never experienced the transfer of political leadership. Not because they do not live in a democracy, but because they live in a democracy and are too scared to use it. So jarring is the idea of actually voting differently that Save South Africa can without hesitation pronounce that there is no other option but to march. If the would-be marchers really believe that in an elective system of representation the only option is to march on the streets then the foundations of democracy are severely eroded, and state capture is not to blame. 
 
Millions of South Africans are trapped in a self-imposed one-party state and all their leaders; in business, in civil society, in places of worship seem to be complicit in this ruse. It is the ruse, the idea that the ANC is both the source and solution of South Africa’s problems that is the most serious threat to democracy. 
 
South Africa can and will survive the hegemony of the ANC, and people must be very suspicious of journalists, public commentators and sectoral leaders who speak about saving democracy without speaking of the plurality of the political system. Those who want to lead marches but shy away from speaking of political alternatives peddle the idea that opposition politics are divisive. This is as good as suggesting that democracy is divisive, and is a misplaced sense of unity.
 
To the extent that democracy is about making political choices, then yes it is divisive. We don’t live in a forest commune with a roving chalice, and whoever holds the chalice gets to lead. The ANC understands this, but it seems to be the public intelligentsia who do not. In Gwede Mantashe’s own words: "What do you think the ANC is, Father Christmas? I don't know where this notion comes from that we are a collection of individuals who have conscience. We are members of ANC in a party political system." 
 
We have elections, we vote parties in hopefully when they are “good” and we vote them out when they are “bad”, and we also vote them back in if they become good again. But it is not the citizens’ responsibility to save the ANC. ANC members must fix their own party, and we the voters should vote for them only when they do, not until they do.
 
Nomboniso Gasa, a prolific commentator on South African Twitter, tweeted a suggestion to DA leader, Mmusi Maimane, that he should probably not be the one to convene a meeting with other party leaders, but have it led by “elders not in parties”. She then went on to suggest Anglican Archbishop Rev Thabo Makgoba as a convenor. Why should opposition parties lead a mediated process? 
 
The ANC understands that an ideological battle is being waged here, but it seems the public intelligentsia think it can be resolved in a kind of group circle around a camp fire. Zakes Mda also joined the kumbaya chorus on Twitter, saying: “DA, Stop the silly protest march to Luthuli House. When you do that you're alienating even those ANC leaders who may share your grievance.”
 
The EFF, DA and others have not been voted in to help the ANC become the best version of itself. The post-apartheid treason of South Africa’s intellectuals is a book in need of being compiled, and it would come not a moment too soon. The DA and opposition parties should step back, and maybe we should all unify and encircle the ANC with love and understanding and give the good guys space to do the right thing? There is a battle of ideas that needs to be waged, and arguably some of our best minds are entrapped in the nostalgia of a pre-democracy UDF-type movement. South Africa has enough dreamers – we need doers, it is this sentimental hankering and hand-wringing which has led us here in the first place. 
 
South Africans are not being governed in a coalition, the executive decisions and patronage networks established are of the making of one party alone. The challenges we face are inherently partisan, it is not the opposition’s intervention that makes them so. An important part of democracy is holding politicians to account; the ballot is punitive, and that’s the trouble with the ANC, they’ve never been made to really appreciate that. And perhaps they will never have to if the ballot is kept subservient to the picket. DM
 
Gwen Ngwenya is the Chief Operating Officer at the South African Institute of Race Relations
Photo: People stand in a queue to cast their vote during the municipal elections in Alexandra township, Johannesburg, South Africa, 03 August 2016. Photo: EPA/KIM LUDBROOK
 
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