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Monday, 13 March 2017

The Telegraph

Canaan BananaImage result for canaan banana

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Canaan Banana, the colourfully-named former president of Zimbabwe who died on Monday aged 67, became his country's first black head of state in 1980 following the bloody and prolonged war of independence that toppled Ian Smith's white-only regime; but his career ended in disgrace 18 years later when he was convicted and jailed for sodomy.
Although not well-known outside Southern Rhodesia before independence, Banana had had an honourable career as an opponent of the Smith regime, and as a radical theologian. He served as the country's president, a largely ceremonial position, from March 1980 to December 1987, when he was effectively forced out by the increasingly autocratic Robert Mugabe, who took over as executive president, after serving as prime minister.
Banana might have expected to spend the rest of his days as his country's respected elder statesman, but his retirement was rudely interrupted by a sexual scandal which led to his trial on charges of sodomy.
The story broke in February 1997 when a former bodyguard, Jefta Dube, who was on trial for murder, pleaded in mitigation that he had been systematically raped and sodomised by Banana over a three-year period when Banana was president, and that he (Dube) had been taunted by the murdered man as "Banana's wife".
Banana had allegedly spotted Dube playing for the police football team, the Black Mambas, in late 1983 and invited him to join his household. Dube described how Banana drank, danced and played cards with him before drugging him and raping him on the carpet of the State House Library.
Dube had complained at the time to the country's police commissioner, but was told that nothing could be done. When he asked Banana to stop, Banana refused, telling him: "I am the final court of appeal."
Banana denied the allegations, claiming that the charges had been trumped up by his opponents. But by May, Dube had been joined by a veritable army of accusers, including dozens of former students of the University of Zimbabwe (where Banana had been Chancellor from 1983 to 1988), several members of the State House football team, the Tornadoes (who testified that their patron's fascination for scoring extended beyond the pitch), and assorted policemen and air force officers. There was, in addition, testimony of sex with cooks, gardeners and several aides, a jobseeker and a hitch-hiker.
Homosexuality is regarded as beyond the pale in Zimbabwe and is punishable by up to 10 years in prison. In 1995, President Mugabe had famously described homosexuals as "worse than pigs and dogs" and urged Zimbabweans to turn them over to the police. Banana's arrest contributed to growing public disillusionment with the regime, since rumours of Banana's sexual profligacy had been rife in the capital for many years and it was generally assumed that Mugabe must have known, but had done nothing to stop it.
In 1998 Banana was found guilty on 11 charges of sodomy, attempted sodomy and and other "unnatural acts" with men. The case took a further dramatic twist when, shortly before sentencing, Banana went on the run to South Africa after receiving a tip-off that Mugabe intended to have him assassinated. After meeting Nelson Mandela, he returned to Zimbabwe, where he was sentenced to 10 years in jail, of which nine were suspended.
Canaan Sodindo Banana was born on March 5 1936 at Esiphezini, in Essexvale District, near Bulawayo, Southern Rhodesia. He was educated at a mission school, followed by Tegwani Teacher Training Institute and Epworth Theological College, where he was ordained as a Methodist minister in 1962.
He worked at various missions and was chairman of the Bulawayo Council of Churches in 1969-70 and of the Southern African Urban Industrial Mission from 1970 to 1973. He alarmed the authorities by publishing his own version of the Lord's Prayer, encouraging Africans to resist white supremacy.
Banana spent a year travelling in South-East Asia and Japan (where he took a diploma at Kansai Industrial Centre). On his return he became an active nationalist, joining the newly-formed African National Council (ANC), of which Bishop Abel Muzorewa was president. He became its vice-president and campaigned for the rejection of the agreement between Rhodesia's prime minister Ian Smith and Sir Alec Douglas-Home during the Pearce Commission inquiry.
In 1972, Banana accompanied Muzorewa on a visit to London to press for another constitutional conference. In consequence, Banana's passport was confiscated on his return, and he fled on foot to Botswana in 1973. He ended up in America on a three-year scholarship and studied for a master's degree in Theology at Wesley Theological Seminary, Washington DC.
On his return to Rhodesia in 1975, Banana was arrested at the airport and jailed for leaving the country without a passport. On his release in January 1976, he flew to Bulawayo but was kept under house arrest. Later in the year he was allowed to join Muzorewa's team at settlement talks in Geneva, during which he defected to Robert Mugabe's Zanu (the Zimbabwe African National Union).
On his return to Rhodesia in December 1976, he dismissed Muzorewa as "irrelevant and gullible" and the following year established the People's Movement to represent the internal wing of Mugabe's party. He was again detained, but was released shortly before Lord Soames arrived as Governor in 1979.
Banana became first president of an independent Zimbabwe on April 18 1980, when he received the constitutional instruments from the Prince of Wales. As a former political detainee and a member of the minority Ndebele people, he had impeccable political credentials, and was the only person nominated by Zanu.
Banana used the presidential platform to attack the churches for their mealy-mouthed approach to the liberation struggle, and in 1980 called for a "radical transformation" of the content of the Christian message: "When I see a guerrilla, I see Jesus Christ," he declared. Later, he suggested that the Bible should be rewritten to make it relevant to people in post-colonial societies.
In September 1980 Banana was an intermediary in talks about merging Zanu-PF and Joshua Nkomo's Zapu and was credited with brokering the 1987 Unity Accord which brought to an end the Matabeleland massacres in which Mugabe's army is thought to have killed an estimated 20,000 civilians.
Banana had some difficulty investing the office of president with the required aura of reverence and in 1982 a law was passed in Zimbabwe forbidding jokes about the president's name, though it continued to invite cheap jibes, illustrated later in such headlines as "Man raped by Banana" and "Mugabe Slips on Banana".
Banana took a great interest in raising chickens at Mrs Banana's farming co-operative in the grounds of State House and acquired his own farm just outside Harare. He sent Prince Charles a poem for his wedding, and wrote five books on theology and politics. His other interests included refereeing football matches, conducting a choir, and playing tennis and Ping-Pong.
The loss of office in 1987 was not without its compensations. Banana retired that year on very favourable terms, with a tax-free pension for life of £25,443, lifetime immunity from import duties, and with a secretary, two security guards and a vehicle allowance.
Thereafter he served, in 1989, on the United Nations commission of eminent churchmen investigating business in South Africa. At the end of 1991 he was one of a group of Commonwealth "Eminent Persons" which observed Codesa (Convention for a Democratic South Africa). He also played an active part, on behalf of the Organisation of African Unity, in seeking to broker peace in Liberia.
After the scandal broke, Banana lost his university chair of theology, religious studies and philosophy, was stripped of his clerical rank by the Methodist church in Zimbabwe and was dropped by the OAU. When, as president of the Zimbabwe Football Association, he went on to the field to meet the players he was booed by the crowd.
Banana was convicted by Zimbabwe's high court, but served only six months of his sentence in an open prison that allowed him to make shopping trips to the capital. He continued to protest his innocence, describing homosexuality as "deviant, abominable and wrong", and denouncing the charges against him as "a mortuary of lies".
He married, in 1961, Janet Mbuyazwe and had three sons and a daughter. After standing by her husband during his trial, Mrs Banana left Zimbabwe for Britain, where she claimed political asylum.

Robert Mugabe: 'The Lion of the Zambezi'

By Bella Habesha 

The worlds most educated president is a black man from Zimbabwe Afrika , yes Mugabe!
The Godfather and killer of white supremacy!
The revolutionera and politician Robert Mugabe born 1924 21 February to a poor family, did what most African leaders need to do TAKE BACK THE LAND THAT IS STOLEN FROM AFRICANS!!
Mugabe was respected by Europeans leaders until he took back what was rightfully Africans....AFRICAN LAND! 
This is not unusual with the west, just look up Saddam Hussein, Muammar Gaddafi, Usama Bin Laden and many more.
Even the white journalist admitted and I quote: The story of Robert Mugabe is a microcosm of what bedevils African democracy and economic recovery at the beginning of the 21st century. It is a classic case of a genuine hero—the guerrilla idol who conquered the country's former leader and his white supremacist regime—turning into a peevish autocrat whose standard response to those suggesting he steps down is to tell them to get lost. It is also the story of activists who try to make a better society but bear the indelible scars of the old system. Mugabe's political education came from the autocrat Ian Smith, who had learnt his formative lessons from imperious British colonisers. He gave them back with their own medicine and they lost it//
Mugabe has been awarded with the highest honorary degrees many times, believe it or not by the European themselves, they have stripped him of those awards of course, and Mugabe words....You want me to cry?
REVOKED HONORARY DEGREES:
Honorary LLD degree from University of Edinburgh (1994), which was however revoked in June 2007.
Honorary LLD degree from University of Massachusetts (1986), which was also revoked in June 2008.
Honorary LLD degree from Michigan State University (1990), and was revoked on 12 September 2008.
America will tell you he is a dictator while themselves have stolen lands and human beings and still til this day they dictator the world.
America will tell you he kills his own people, while Americans kill African Americans infront of the world without no shame.
America and Europe will tell you Mugabe is a racist man for taking back what was stolen from him....America and Europe the most racist in the world....the hypocrisy is mind-blowing.
Watch these two clips:
America will tell you that Mugabe is hiding millions of dollars while America bombs countries for oil and call it democracy.
Is Mugabe perfect? Of course not
Does his country have problems?
Absolutely remember that great Britain owned Zimbabwe until the beginning of the 80s.
First black president of Zimbabwe was Canaan Banana 1980 - 87 , his prime minster at that time was Mugabe.
Robert Mugabe is the second president 1987 -
Queen Elizabeth of England's fortune is mostly stolen from Zimbabwe YES look it up.
Does Mugabe need to do more for his people GODDAMM RIGHT just like America should do for the same people who build the states.
Just like Europe should do for Europeans who live in poverty yes IN EUROPE!
The west hypocrisy is well-known but will be even more known the more people do research instead of accusing African countries of injustice when there are 54 countries in Africa who been raped by the west.
America and the world need to keep her mouth shut when they are the root of the hell we are living in. Thank you!
Next post will be about The king himself Selassie the undefeated African worrier
THE GOD OF AFRIKA!
Until next time.
Robert Mugabe
ACADEMIC DEGREES:

Bachelor of Arts (History and English) (BA) degree from the University of Fort Hare (1951)
Bachelor of Administration (B.Admin) from University of South Africa (Unisa)
Bachelor of Education (B.Ed) from the University of South Africa (Unisa)
Bachelor of Science (BSc.) in Economics from University of London (External Programme)
Bachelor of Laws (LLB) from University of London (External Programme)
Master of Laws (LL.M) from University of London (External Programme)
Master of Science (MSc.) in Economics from University of London (External Programme)
HONORARY DEGREES:
Honorary LLD degree from Ahmadou Bello University (Nigeria)
Honorary LLD degree from Morehouse College (Atlanta, Georgia)
Honorary LLD degree from University of Zimbabwe (Zimbabwe)
Honorary LLD degree from St. Augustine's University (Tanzania)
Honorary LLD degree from Lomonosov Moscow State University (Russia)
Honorary LLD degree from Solusi University (Zimbabwe)
Honorary D.Litt. degree from Africa University (Zimbabwe)
Honorary D.Civil Laws degree from University of Mauritius (Mauritius)
Honorary D.Com. degree from For Hare University (South Africa)
Honorary D.Tech. degree from National University of Science and Technology (Zimbabwe)
Honorary D.Phil (African Heritage and Philosophy) degree from Great Zimbabwe University (Zimbabwe)

African-American News

NIGERIAN WOMAN NANNY FORCE FEEDS 8-MONTH CHILD TO DEATH IN MARYLAND

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A Nigerian woman Oluremi Oyindasola, 66, of Glenarden, Maryland working as a nanny has been arrested and has been charged with second-degree murder, first-degree child abuse resulting in death and other offenses after police said she force fed an eight-month-old baby girl who then later died. 

Prince George's County Police said Wednesday, a home surveillance system recorded Oyindasola taking a nap when the crying infant, eight-month-old Enita Salubi, approached her in a toddler walker. 

According to Police, Oyindasola unsuccessfully tried to feed the child, then when she got frustrated with the infant not wanting to eat, she 'proceeded to pour a large amount of white liquid directly inside the victim's mouth'. 

Col. Harry Bond with Prince George's County Police said: 'She forcefully poured the two bottles of what looks to be milk down the baby's mouth, causing her to not be able to breathe, suffocating her, and eventually she died at the hospital.' 

The Police also released a press statement which read: 'On October 24th, at about 4.10pm, the baby had been rushed to a hospital after she became unresponsive at home. 

'She was pronounced dead a short time later. 

An autopsy on Tuesday revealed the baby’s cause of death was asphyxiation. 

The manner of death was ruled a homicide. '

The preliminary investigation revealed the injuries to the baby occurred while in the sole care and custody of Oyindasola.' Oyindasol 'is in the custody of the Department of Corrections,' the release said.

Oyindasola, is being held on $1million bond.
Source: TheAfricanSunTimes

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Tuesday, 7 March 2017

City Press

GUEST COLUMN

The day we failed our people

2017-03-05 06:10
Fruits of labour: Ravele Community Property Association farm workers, based in Limpopo, harvest bananas. Most of the farm workers are beneficiaries Picture: Leon Sadiki
Fruits of labour: Ravele Community Property Association farm workers, based in Limpopo, harvest bananas. Most of the farm workers are beneficiaries Picture: Leon Sadiki
Ayanda Dlodlo
By voting against the expropriation of land without compensation this week, the ANC went against its stated commitment to radical transformation.
President Jacob Zuma spoke extensively in his state of the nation address (Sona) about land rights and land restitution, saying: “It will be difficult, if not impossible, to achieve true reconciliation until the land question is resolved.”
He called upon Parliament to move speedily in ensuring that the Expropriation Bill passed constitutional muster, so that it could be finalised into law.
The issue of expropriation without compensation is not foreign to the ANC. Included among our resolutions at the 53rd national conference, which took place in Mangaung in the Free State in 2012, were the following three proposals:
- To replace the willing buyer, willing seller proviso with the “just and equitable” principle in the Constitution immediately, where the state is acquiring land for land reform purposes;
- To advance expropriation without compensation on land acquired through unlawful means, or used for illegal purposes, having due regard to section 25 of the Constitution; and
- To expedite the promulgation of the new Expropriation Act.
Right from the ANC’s founding meeting, held on January 8 1912, the issue of native land and reserves has been central to the organisation’s struggle for liberation.
Speaking at the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College in Tanzania in 1984, then ANC president Oliver Tambo said: “Let us tell the truth to ourselves, even if the truth coincides with what the enemy is saying.”
This statement rings true today – not with regard to current rumours about the possibility of a split in the ANC, but in terms of the notion that whoever is the bearer of the truth should not matter, as long as the truth resonates with our people and the general thrust of the policies of our movement.
To give impetus to Tambo’s words, the ANC dedicated 2017 as the year of “unity in action” for all South Africans as we move the country forward.
Confused and hurt
It is time to activate those wise and deliberate calls for unity of purpose and enjoin citizens to rally around a common cause, no matter who initiates it – as long as it is in line with our commitment as the ANC to improve the lives of our people.
Against this backdrop of the ANC’s rich history and its resolutions taken, the party’s objection to this week’s motion in Parliament, brought by the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) – who proposed lending support to the ANC if it amended section 25 of the Constitution, allowing land to be expropriated without compensation – left many of us ANC members confused and hurt.
We felt that by rejecting the EFF’s attempt to pass this motion to amend the Constitution’s property clause, the party had squandered an opportunity.
Our outright dismissal of the motion, announced by ANC MP and chairperson of the rural development committee Phumuzile Ngwenya-Mabila, sent an unfortunate message to those who rely on ANC lawmakers to champion the cause for true and meaningful transformation.
The call was most likely made by the EFF to score political points, as it is prone to do, but it does not take away from the fact that this call is premised on the ANC’s founding principles of the return of land to those who were dispossessed.
The reality is that the land question has occupied the ANC’s agenda since its formation, and will continue to do so until land is returned to its rightful owners, the black majority.
In reply to the Sona debate, Zuma made it clear that the organisation was committed to finding all constitutional and legal means to expropriate land without compensation.
He said this to accentuate the ANC’s new policy of embarking on a sweeping programme of radical economic transformation.
How ANC MPs missed this resounding message from the president is strange.
The least the party could have done in response was to elaborate on its plan to return land to the people.
Instead, in an unfortunate and probably uncalculated move, we, the majority in the House, contradicted not only the president’s statement, but also the gist of the radical economic transformation agenda of the ANC.
Given that this type of transformation is not possible without access to land, to frustrate the agenda put forward by the EFF appears to frustrate the very policies Zuma announced.
Reclaiming our birthright
As an ANC member of good standing, I am confident that I speak for millions of our people when I state, on record, that the party is committed to returning land to its rightful owners. We will spare no effort in realising this objective.
Amending section 25 of the Constitution, which deals with land reform, is not negotiable if we are to achieve equitable distribution of land.
To quote parts of section 25 verbatim, this is what it provides for:
1. “No one may be deprived of property except in terms of law of general application, and no law may permit arbitrary deprivation of property.”
2. “Property may be expropriated only in terms of law of general application –
(a) for a public purpose or in the public interest; and
(b) subject to compensation, the amount of which and the time and manner of payment of which have either been agreed to by those affected, or decided or approved by a court.”
As the custodian of the aspirations of the poor in this country, the ANC should have tabled the motion for discussion in Parliament to pave a way for the realisation of this milestone of our struggle.
ANC MPs need to realise that democracy demands that we sometimes support the views of our traditional opponents if those decisions help to advance the cause of our struggle.
We have fought for so long to build these democratic institutions, it works against our objectives and values to close rank now.
Of course, opposition parties will always look for a loophole to denigrate the efforts of our movement, but ultimately, our triumph lies in consolidating the victories of our hard-earned democracy. This includes amending the Constitution when the need arises.
After all, our democracy came about through a negotiated settlement, which we knew would present us with challenges going forward.
Having chosen to resolve matters at the negotiating table, rather than embark on an all-out liberation war which would ravage the country, was the ultimate act of patriotism.
We opted for this with our eyes wide open and now, two decades into democracy, we see a relatively stable country and a prosperous nation.
Despite this, the black majority remains in a state of penury as we have not succeeded in sufficiently reversing the economic legacy of apartheid.
Section 25 represents one of the major concessions made by the ANC in its adoption of that compromised political settlement during the early 1990s.
Even as we reflect on the achievements of our democracy through compromise, we have a duty as the people’s movement to assess the effects of these compromises with a view to taking hard decisions about the future of the indigent of this country.
Therefore, we should have supported the EFF’s motion, with modifications.
Parliament should have gone on to outline a credible legal process to achieve the amendment.
Section 25 can be changed in such a way that is satisfactory to all if we all commit to the agenda of radical economic transformation.
Having voiced its rejection of the motion, the ANC needs to now reassure the masses of our people about its commitment to the freedom struggle pioneered by our forebears.
Let me remind all South Africans that this has been a struggle to restore the dignity of the African through reclaiming our birthright, which is land ownership, and all the benefits that represents.
Dlodlo is deputy minister of public service and administration, and is chairperson of the ANC legislature and governance subcommittee

City Press

MONDLI MAKHANYA

Populist road to ruination

2017-03-05 06:10
Mondli Makhanya
Zimbabwe is still suffering from the wild, populist and self-serving decisions of 2000. Land is a word that has been very much on the lips of South Africa’s first citizen of late. 
In 2000, this lowly newspaperman secured a ringside seat to watch the unravelling of Zimbabwe.
The invasions of white-owned farms by mobs led by war veterans was in full force. President Robert Mugabe had just lost the constitutional referendum and was livid. The opposition had campaigned hard against him and the people had listened to them, not him.
Once revered by the people but now scorned by them, the old man was fearful of what this meant for the upcoming parliamentary election.
He needed a love potion to “woo back lost lover”, as the traffic-light pamphlets say.
His love potion was the land question and the continued domination of this crucial economic sector by a minority.
Twenty years after independence, white farmers controlled most agricultural land. With agriculture – in particular, tobacco – being a major component of the gross domestic product and a huge foreign exchange earner, white Zimbabweans were in the pound seats economically. They enjoyed extreme wealth compared to their black compatriots. This was a source of much resentment.
Mugabe knew what pressing the land button meant. Land was at the centre of the two Chimurengas – the 1890s uprising against the colonial occupiers and the 20th-century liberation war. Because so much blood was spilt getting the land back, the issue was, and is, close to the hearts of Zimbabweans.
So, the self-serving Mugabe started spewing anti-colonial, anti-West and anti-white rhetoric. This spurred the invasion of white farms, often with the support of the security forces. The Zanu-PF government slyly attributed the invasions to the impatience of the people.
The result of this was the destruction of Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector, which had a knock-on effect on all other sectors of the economy.
Industry collapsed, unemployment rocketed, infrastructure fell apart, inflation soared, the Zimbabwean dollar became worth less than single-ply toilet paper and supermarkets could not even stock the most basic products. Zimbabweans fled south, west, east, north and beyond the seas.
Within eight years, the country was on the brink of becoming a failed state as policy and governance became whatever Mugabe and Zanu-PF’s hardliners woke up thinking on a particular day. The five-year Government of National Unity, brokered in 2008, brought some respite and arrested the decline.
But Zimbabwe is still suffering from the wild, populist and self-serving decisions of 2000.
Land is a word that has been very much on the lips of South Africa’s first citizen of late. The more he has become embattled, the more he has aped Mugabe’s land rhetoric. He has belatedly discovered the land question and made it a pillar of his legacy. He has upped his anti-colonialism and anti-Western pitch.
Cognisant of the racially defined gross inequality, he makes a point of stoking the already high levels of anger among the black poor.
The rhetoric grew louder and crazier as he faced a revolt from within his own party. The frequency increased after last year’s damning Constitutional Court judgment on the Nkandla saga and the August 2016 municipal election results.
When ANC veterans and stalwarts challenged his leadership, he characterised them as pawns of the powers who were afraid of his radical stance.
Some of the rhetoric is the stuff of fantasy. Who in their right minds would vocalise a private thought about pushing the restitution deadline a few centuries back, when South Africa is battling with the 1913 cut-off date? On Friday, he added this idea to his file of lunacies. Addressing the National House of Traditional Leaders, he called for “a precolonial audit of land ownership, use and occupation patterns”. He said once such an audit was done, a single land law would be “developed to address the issue of land restitution without compensation”.
Constitutional amendments would then be made to ensure this happened, and the National Land Claims Commission would be made a chapter 9 institution, with powers similar to those of the Public Protector. Interestingly, he made this statement just days after his own party members had argued and voted against such a move in Parliament.
In doing so, they were informed by the fact that the Constitution is not a hindrance to land restitution and land reform.
The process has been bedevilled by poor implementation on the part of the state. It has also been hobbled by the fact that black South Africans are not as romantic and sentimental about land as Zimbabweans and some of our other neighbours.
Mentally, they have long moved on, and those with sentimental attachments have them because there is a recent history of rural to urban migration in the family.
Hunger for land is in the urban areas, where people are living on top of each other in informal settlements. And that is a totally different headache, which requires the kind of energy that is being spent obsessing about impractical fantasies.
So, inasmuch as there may be this populist agitation around land from high up, this is a fire unlikely to catch. What will catch is the racially charged nature of the agitation. It is this part that will resonate with the urban poor. Whether the president and those around him who are stoking this racial anger will be able to channel it is doubtful.
This is the danger of populism. It provides simple answers to complex problems and avoids proper thinking and planning. The aftermath is almost always ruination. Just ask our neighbours.