SASFA and SAFA must unite for the sake of School Football development

COSAFA-CAF-FIFA intervention is long overdue

 

By Thandisizwe Mgudlwa

Until all stakeholders of South African football unite and work together for the betterment of the game, football in this country can not reach its full potential.

The time for the South African Football Association (SAFA) and the South African Schools Football Association (SASFA) to put their differences aside and to speak with one voice and follow one vision is NOW.

So much time has been wasted on fighting for control of School Football; to the detriment of School Football, the youth and the nation.

The story goes, in 2015, the South African Schools Football Association (SASFA) general members from the 9 Provinces held a special general congress (SGC) in Johannesburg.

The aim of the SGC was to consider the South African Football Association (SAFA) resolution to take over the running of schools football.

On July 18, 2015; the Congress reiterated the Executive position to categorically reject the decision of SAFA to take over schools football.

According to SASFA, "This decision is not only ill informed, it is unconstitutional and unwarranted."

"SASFA has explored all avenues in an attempt to engage SAFA without any success. SASFA is disheartened by SAFA’s actions to set up parallel schools football structures in the Provinces, the organization views this unfortunate action by SAFA as disruptive, destructive and irresponsible. Such actions are detrimental to the very essence of education and the well-being of vulnerable pupils, especially in their formative years.

Therefore the leadership of SAFA is urged to desist from these disruptive actions and constructively engage SASFA in a manner that befits a national federation, in the interest of football development, which is currently at its lowest ebb."

SASFA continued, "SASFA recognizes and respects the fact the SAFA is the custodian of football in the country whilst SASFA is an integral part of the football development continuum and has been since the dawn of democracy.

SASFA contribution in football development and the impact it has cannot be ignored and trivialized. SASFA cannot whimsically be wished away at a stroke of a pen. Therefore, SASFA cordially calls upon SAFA President, Dr. Danny Jordaan to call his troops back to the negotiating table in the interest of football development."

On another important point, is that the SASFA noted that the General Council appreciated the guidance and words of encouragement the association received from National Association of Schools Governing Bodies as articulated by the General Secretary Matakanye Matakanye, during the SASFA Special General Council meeting.

"SASFA is further humbled by the overwhelming support from SADTU and Sponsors in attendance today."

Mamahase Mohale of the South African Democratic Teachers' Union (SADTU) had said,  “We don’t want to see confusion in our schools. SASFA has been doing a good job and they should be left alone. They are the only organization discharged with the responsibility of administering and managing school football in the country”.

It is understood that SASFA like all other nine (9) Associate Members of South African Football Association (SAFA) is an independent juristic body with its own constitution.

"It is a voluntary organization of current and former educators who came together because of their passion to advance football development at schools level. SASFA is responsible for the administration and organization of football played in schools whilst the mother body (SAFA) is responsible for out- of- school Football."

It is the only school’s football structure recognized by both the Departments of Basic Education and Sport and Recreation South Africa. Therefore, all SASFA’s programs are conducted and managed in collaboration with SAFA and the two Departments from Local, Regional, Provincial and National levels, added SASFA.

Conversely , "up until the formation of SASFA, then known as USSASA Football, schools’ Football was not affiliated to SAFA, furthermore, following the formation of SASFA, its members voluntarily applied for Associate membership of SAFA for the purposes of aligning football development programs in the country.

Since then, SASFA has been regularly reporting and accounting to SAFA in respect of its development program."

Essentially noted SASFA at the 2015 Congress, "For the past 21 years, without exception, the Presidents of SAFA including the current president presided over SASFA’s AGM wherein the Executive accounts to general membership. For all these years SAFA received Audited Annual and activity reports. SAFA has never at any point expressed their discontentment with the manner in which SASFA is managed and administered."

Traditionally, Dr. Danny Jordaan addressed SASFA General Council meeting held on the 19th July 2014 at OR Tambo Airport`s Garden Court hotel in Johannesburg.

In his address, it was reported that Dr. Jordaan had expressed the need for SAFA to support SASFA as schools` structures at all levels and not only at National level.

He had also apologized for the omission of SASFA’ team during the SAFA U/17 Inter Provincials tournament and he promised to regularize this anomaly for SASFA to participate in the 2015 tournament.

According to SASFA, Dr. Jordaan had acknowledged that SASFA plays an integral part of the development of football in South Africa.

"SASFA is the face of grass root football in the country therefore, SASFA members should always work collaboratively with SAFA members for the attainment of football objectives."

"Dr. Jordaan promised to invite two representatives of SASFA to attend the World Cup in Russian," says SASFA.

SASFA is an associate member of SAFA that has always complied with all constitutional imperatives of the mother body. "We have always been a loyal member of the Association and the biggest with visible programs. And SASFA has always been a member in good standing."

Dennis Mumble, CEO of SAFA, attended SASFA’s Strategic Planning Workshop held in October 2014, and as such, was reported to be very happy with the direction SASFA was taking in aligning their programs to SAFA’s Vision 2022.

He applauded SASFA’s initiatives to including private schools and former Model C schools participate in Schools Football, says SAFSA

What has suddenly changed that forced SAFA to take such a radical decision without thorough consultation? asked SASFA.

"At the Extra Ordinary Congress of SAFA on the 28th March, SAFA claimed that the Minister of Sport and Recreation instructed them on the 19th December 2014 to take over control of schools football. This is something the Minister’s office has categorically refuted. SASFA was informed about the Ministers directive at an impromptu meeting 30 minutes before start of the Congress meeting."

In addition, "Prior to this impromptu meeting on the day of the Congress, SASFA had never been consulted nor informed of the Ministers directive. SASFA immediately raised an objection about the timing of the information from the Minister. Upon raising this objection, the Convener of the impromptu meeting promised that in the event the matter is raised in the Congress, he would propose to the Congress to defer it to the meeting between SASFA and SAFA, which was scheduled to take place within 21 days following the congress.

SASFA was completely surprised when this issue was raised and a decision taken without the Conveners intervention, as he had promised."

Furthermore, SASFA was dumbfounded by the unconstitutional Congress decision to take over the administration of schools football.

When first and foremost, schools football was never on the agenda of the Extra Ordinary Congress as required by the SAFA Constitution, moreover, that the Congress’ decision to take over schools’ football was instigated based on disinformation."

Earlier in 2018, SAFA said Mandla Shoes Mazibuko purports to head the deregistered SASFA which is no longer recognized by Association as representative of schools football.

Speaking last October during the Copa Coca-Cola tournament in Bloemfontein, Sasfa president Mandla “Shoes” Mazibuko said the organisation was open and ready to work with Safa.

“There is no reason we can’t work with Safa. Whose ­interests are we serving if we are not working with Safa?” he asked.

“This is more about politics than what meets the eye, but, as far as we are concerned, we are working with everybody you see around here [at the tournament], including the departments of education and sports, stakeholders and the teachers’ union. There is no reason we should not work with Safa".

Mazibuko said Sasfa had not disputed that Safa was the custodian of football in the country.

“It is them [Safa] who disputes that we have a mandate to run schools football. ­Fortunately, that mandate can not be challenged.

“From the onset, we didn’t have an issue. Remember, it was Safa that – out of the blue – decided to derecognise us without any apparent ­reason".

Mazibuko further challenged ­Safa to help SASFA rather than mislead the public about the details regarding schools that were participating in development programmes.

Mazibuko added “People are talking and trying to mislead the country around the number of schools participating or that should participate. The truth is that we have 25 000 schools in the country. However, out of that number, there are not more than 6 000 high schools [that participate in the development programmes], and not all of them play soccer as there are those that play other sport such as rugby, cricket and hockey,” he said.

“You know, we don’t have girls’ leagues in the country or girls’ programmes in the schools, so you don’t use that as a ploy to say that Sasfa is not touching enough schools. What are you doing as a mother body to assist your ­associate member?” he asked, referring the question to Safa.

The SASFA-SAFA squabble over the controlling of School Football is before the courts.

And among others, a COSAFA-CAF-FIFA intervention is long overdue.

We must not want to be Winnie - Mondli Makhanya

Mondli Makhanya: We must not want to be Winnie

CITY PRESS 2018-04-09 00:01

Nelson Mandela walks alongside Winnie Madikizela-Mandela as he is released from Victor Vester Prison in 1990. Picture: Graeme Williams/South Photographs

A story that is not often told about the weekend of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison is the one about the desperate quest to find his wife the night before he was freed.
When then president FW de Klerk caught everyone by surprise by announcing Mandela’s release on the Saturday, there was a scramble to get the leadership of the Mass Democratic Movement to Cape Town as soon as possible. Funds were quickly sourced to charter a flight to the Cape so that everyone would be on the ground to do enough planning to make Madiba’s release on the Sunday the kind of dignified and historic affair that it should be.
But there was a problem.
Winnie Mandela, as she was then known, was nowhere to be found. Teams of comrades scoured Johannesburg into the early hours of the morning in search of the Mother of the Nation.
When she was eventually found, she was in a not-so-nice location, in not-so-good company and in a not-so-good state of mind.
Even when the aeroplane arrived in Cape Town, she was still in need of some good rest so that, by the time she got to Victor Verster Prison, Mandela would be able to recognise his spouse and be excited to see her.
This obviously necessitated a delay in when she could be taken to him and, by extension, when he could eventually walk out of those gates.
And so the old man twiddled his thumbs, unaware that the frolics of the person he loved were partially responsible for delaying his freedom.
There are many who were involved with the logistics of that historic day who are still angry with her for being partially responsible for the delay in Mandela getting his first taste of freedom.
They will tell you that, even if it was a delay of a few hours, every minute must have felt like ages if you had been inside a prison’s walls for 27 years.
They knew this behaviour by Winnie Mandela was not out of character. It was just that, on that day, it had disastrous consequences.
This story is not often told because this not a pleasant narrative.
When it comes to Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, you can either tell the story of a saint or the story of a villain – it is never the story of the complete person.
And so a story such as this one, the story of the coarse Madikizela-Mandela, is not a welcome one.
Let’s start with those who saw her as a villain because they are easily dismissible.
To this lot, the only frame into which Madikizela-Mandela fitted was the Moeketsi “Stompie” Seipei kidnapping, the infidelities, the incendiary rhetoric and the alleged abuse of finances.
To them, she would have been a demon even if she performed a miracle that made a blind man see.
Just as problematic is the legion of Madikizela-Mandela cultists who refuse to accept that she was a deeply flawed human being; that she was a problematic figure in resistance politics and in post-1994 democratic politics.
In honouring Madikizela-Mandela, we should not overlook the blemishes on her being. Doing so would be denying our own history and how, in many ways, she reflected some of the worst flaws of our damaged society and the ugliness of our bitter history.
Madikizela-Mandela must be praised for emerging from the shadow of her more prominent and powerful husband.
At the Rivonia Trial in the early 1960s, while the cameras and commentary focused on her beauty and glamour, Madikizela-Mandela was projecting an image of courage and indefatigability.
She became the spokesperson for the revolution that the apartheid system was trying to crush.
In subsequent years – with the leaders of the anti-apartheid movement either in exile or in prison – she was to emerge as the primary voice of the anti-apartheid forces.
To the student and scholar movements of the late 60s and 70s, she was a pillar of strength.
She did not succumb to harassment, imprisonment and torture – she just got stronger and more defiant.
This is why the apartheid government was forced to banish her to the remote Free State town of Brandfort, a fate as terrible as prison or exile.
And that is where things seem to have gone horribly wrong.
It was this period that seems to have irreversibly turned her into the wayward individual she became, a waywardness that many are so dangerously in denial about.
It is a common human trait to refuse to acknowledge the deficiencies of our leaders and heroes.
This week, we have seen a deluge of tributes that sought to present her as an amalgamation of Queen Nzinga, Mother Theresa, Cleopatra and Nandi. This week, the worship will multiply.
Dare we forget that, in 1989, the leadership of the Mass Democratic Movement publicly distanced itself from the so-called Mother of the Nation because of the “reign of terror” that she and her Mandela United Football Club were conducting in Soweto.
The football club, which was nothing more than her private vigilante gang and whose only association with soccer was its kit, had terrorised the township and was almost as feared as the Jackrollers gang.
Such was the extent of grievance against Madikizela-Mandela and her thugs that members of the Congress of SA Students even attempted to burn down the Mandela house.
After numerous attempts to rein her in and put a stop to conduct that undermined the struggle, the leaders had to act.
Accusing her of abusing the trust and confidence of the people, and falling into “conflict with various sections of the oppressed people and with the Mass Democratic Movement as a whole”, the leaders said her practices had “violated the spirit and ethics” of the movement.
Madikizela-Mandela’s excommunication by the anti-apartheid movement did not come at the whim of an individual or individuals who despised her.
An instruction had already come from the ANC headquarters in Lusaka – on the authority of no less a person than Oliver Tambo – that her criminal gang should be disbanded.
But because Madikizela-Mandela was, in her view, above the ANC and the internal liberation movement, this instruction was ignored.
This unruly streak had frightened many in liberation circles since Madikizela-Mandela’s return from Brandfort.
Some celebrated this as a rebellion against patriarchy and chauvinism, but it was in fact ungovernability of the highest order.
At the height of the necklacing phenomenon – which she encouraged with her matchboxes and tyres speech – she had defied instructions from Lusaka to withdraw her endorsement of the cruel punishment that was meted out to suspected traitors.
Madikizela-Mandela was her own movement. While other leaders worked within structures and subjected themselves to such inconveniences as attending meetings and being given duties to perform, Madikizela-Mandela preferred being the star act who headlined rallies and marches.
The everyday mundanity of organisational work was beneath her.
Mandela’s release in 1990 rescued the errant Winnie from exile. She was back in play.
In 1991, she was voted onto the national executive committee of the unbanned ANC at its first conference in Durban.
At a time when Nelson Mandela and other senior leaders were navigating the rugged road to a negotiated settlement, Madikizela-Mandela was one of the discordant voices in the leadership, and she played to the militant gallery.
Paradoxically, this proved fortuitous because the apartheid regime was waging a vicious fight against communities with death squads and surrogate militias.
Radical voices were needed to keep the spirit of resistance and hope alive.
Knowing the person she was, the internal and external leaders were united on one thing – limiting her power.
In 1991, they succeeded in blocking her from becoming president of the ANC Women’s League, a position that would have given her power that was somewhat independent from the mother body.
They tried again in 1993, but they failed dismally. She was again returned to the position in 1997 – against the wishes of the inner clique.
That same year, a great effort was made to halt her bid for the deputy presidency of the ANC at the party’s conference in Mafikeng (now Mahikeng) in North West.
So determined were the party grandees to prevent her from taking the number two position that they were even prepared to stomach the rise of Jacob Zuma, whose corruption and uselessness had already been evident in exile and in the KwaZulu-Natal government, where he was serving as an MEC for economic development.
Those sympathetic to her say these efforts were motivated by the fear of her feminist sway and the inability of men to tolerate a strong woman.
Nothing could be further from the truth.
The life and legacy of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela will be debated for decades to come. She will be canonised by most and demonised by a fringe minority.
She will be credited with single-handedly keeping the flame of freedom alive in the darkest days of apartheid repression.
Her courage and resilience will be spoken of in high decibels. She will be labelled as the most outstanding and the most upstanding among us.
The biggest mistake we will make is that we will try to understand her in black and white, as either the object of our affections or a figure of hate.
We should neither see her as a villain nor a saint.
She was just an ordinary human being whose heart was hardened by suffering and whose soul was numbed by torture.
We should not elevate her to the status of a role model who we should emulate, as many have been doing since her death.
None of us should want to be Winnie Madikizela-Mandela.
If we aim to be contributors to a better nation, we should not try to be the damaged goods that came back from Brandfort.
If we want to be good leaders in our respective spaces – be it in a stokvel, corporation, political party or sports club – we should possess the humility that she so lacked.
And if we want to make a genuine impact on society, we should avoid the temptation of the glory-seeking that defined her.
By all means, let us thank her for the tremendous sacrifices she made, along with her generation of struggle leaders.
But at no point should any of us want to be her replica.

Mondli Makhanya is Editor-In-Chief of City Press

TIMESLIVE

POLITICS

Winnie disobeyed orders from ANC leadership to disband football club: Mbeki

03 April 2018 - 19:58BY NICO GOUS

Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and former President Thabo Mbeki. 
Image: Gallo Images / Foto24 / Lerato Maduna

Winnie Madikizela-Mandela disobeyed orders from the ANC leadership to disband the Mandela United Football Club.

That is what former president Thabo Mbeki said on Tuesday evening in an interview with the SABC.

“Oliver Tambo intervened on this matter to try to say to her this thing is wrong. Let’s not. Let’s move away from this thing. It didn’t work until you had the intervention here.”

The Mandela Crisis Committee was formed in January 1989 to persuade Madikizela-Mandela to release four boys abducted by her bodyguards‚ known as the Mandela United Football Club‚ from the house of Methodist minister Paul Verryn in December 1988.

Madikizela-Mandela was convicted in 1991 of kidnapping and being an accessory in the assault of Stompie Seipei‚ one of the boys who were kidnapped. Her six-year jail sentence was reduced to a fine and a suspended two-year sentence on appeal. Tambo and Mbeki were in Lusaka in Zambia at the time.

Mbeki said: “He (Tambo) tried very hard to say to her that this behaviour is not right‚ but didn’t respond until later.”

Mbeki said Madikizela-Mandela should be remembered as one individual in the collective that had fought against apartheid.

“We need to find a way. Yes‚ indeed‚ recognise individuals‚ but let’s also recognise that these are not people that worked as individuals. These are people that worked in a collective.”

Mbeki compared her with Albertina Sisulu‚ wife of Walter Sisulu.

“It was correct of of the ANC to say‚ let’s mark the centenary of the birth of Albertina Sisulu. I don’t think Ma Sisulu got the same media exposure as Winnie did‚ but you can’t say that she has played a lesser role.”

Mbeki said Madikizela-Mandela was wrong when she said on April 13‚ 1986‚ during a speech in Munsieville: “Together‚ hand in hand‚ with our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country.”

Mbeki said: “That was wrong. Already at that time‚ Oliver Tambo had already said we must stop this thing of necklacing people. It was in fact a tactic that was used by the regime against us. That’s where it came from.”

Madikizela-Mandela died on Monday at the age of 81 at the Netcare Milpark Hospital in Johannesburg after a long illness for which she had been in and out of hospital since the start of the year. She succumbed peacefully in the early hours of Monday afternoon surrounded by her family and loved ones‚ the family said in an official statement.

World Honours Mother of the Nation

Mama Winnie was a diamond, built to shine, never to break 

By Cyril Ramaphosa

Posted on 5th April 2018  ANC Today

by Staff Reporter

Mama Winnie Madikizela-Mandela has been a constant companion throughout our lives and throughout our struggle. When, like Madiba, she was banished from our presence, she was present in our consciousness and in our hearts.

Mama Winnie lived a rich and eventful life, whose victories and setbacks traced the progress of the struggle of our people for freedom. It was a life marked by service, sacrifice, determination – a life that taught us much about the tenacity of the human spirit.

The life of Mama Winnie gives full expression to our rallying cry: Wathint’ Abafazi, Wathint’ Imbokodo. But she was not just any rock. She was a diamond, built to shine, built to last, built never to break. Like a diamond, she conveyed complexity, strength and beauty.

Harassed, hounded and tortured by a brutal and murderous state, she would not shatter.

Stripped of the comfort of family life, banned and imprisoned, she stood firm. Separated from her husband by steel bars and the cold waters of Table Bay, she had to be both mother and father to her children and to the nation.

She remained a symbol of strength for the many women who had lost their partners and children to the liberation struggle. She was a symbol of defiance for the many women who were themselves freedom fighters and who had to endure not only the racism of the apartheid state, but the sexism of a patriarchal system.

Regardless of her own pain, she ensured that the children and families of liberation were clothed and fed. She gave them hope and encouragement. She fought to ensure that Madiba would never be forgotten, that his name would remain in the hearts and minds of the oppressed people of the world.

Today, with the benefit of hindsight, we must acknowledge that her strength and generosity of spirit placed upon her an inordinate burden. Often having to endure in solitude, for our sake she masked her pain, held back her cries and hid the bruises of her suffering.

We know that she did not join the struggle with the expectation of recognition or reward, but by the sheer weight of her contribution, her name will forever secure a permanent place in the history of our liberation struggle.

From her life, future generations will understand what it means to be a freedom fighter of determination and sacrifice. From her life, they will know what it means to stand for justice. From her life, they will know what it means to be faithful and loyal to the cause of human freedom. From her life, they will know that women can, do and have shaped the course of our history.

From her life, they will learn what it truly means to be revolutionary. They will learn that there is nothing revolutionary about howling insults and using the privilege of elected office to ridicule and demean others. There is nothing revolutionary about seeking the votes of the people for self-enrichment and aggrandisement.

When future generations ask about her, we will tell them to read Maya Angelou’s poem, “And still I rise”, for it could easily have been written to describe her life.

You may write me down in historyWith your bitter, twisted lies,You may tread me in the very dirtBut still, like dust, I’ll rise…
Did you want to see me broken?Bowed head and lowered eyes?Shoulders falling down like teardrops.Weakened by my soulful cries…
You may shoot me with your words,You may cut me with your eyes,You may kill me with your hatefulness,But still, like air, I’ll rise…
 Out of the huts of history’s shameI riseUp from a past that’s rooted in painI riseI’m a black ocean, leaping and wide,Welling and swelling I bear in the tide.Leaving behind nights of terror and fearI riseInto a daybreak that’s wondrously clearI riseBringing the gifts that my ancestors gave,I am the dream and the hope of the slave.I riseI riseI rise.

Like so many of our people she lived with fear, pain, loss and disappointment. And yet each day she rose with the nobleness of the human spirit. They sought to denigrate her with bitter and twisted lies, but still she rose. They wanted to see her broken, with bowed head and lowered eyes, and weakened by soulful cries, but still she rose. They tried to defeat her with their hatefulness, but, like the masses who called her mother, still she rose.

Out of the huts of history’s shame, she rose. Up from a past rooted in pain, she rose. And as we celebrated in a free and democratic nation, still she rose, and carried with her the dreams and hopes of the slave.

** Cyril Ramaphosa is the President of South Africa. This is an edited extract from his address at the celebration of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela’s 80^th birthday, 14 September 2016.

ANC Today

CYRIL 100 - THE DEBATE

Howard Feldman

Would it kill Cyril to call?

2018-03-14 10:44

(Tammy Petersen, News24)

Multimedia   ·   User Galleries   ·   News in Pictures Send us your pictures  ·  Send us your stories

It hasn't yet been 100 days, but would it kill Cyril Ramaphosa to be in touch?

The intention is not to make him feel guilty or anything (God forbid), but we did root for him. So, it would be nice if he would let us know how it was going from his perspective. After all, we cheered unashamedly when he won the ANC election that night in December (anything would be better than the "ex-wife") and we might even have delayed our dinner plans as we waited for the announcement (in the car).

So it didn't come without sacrifice. They could quite easily have given our table away. Not that I am complaining.

Were I Capetonian, I would consider (seriously consider) getting up early, donning my most photogenic exercise gear in order to go for a walk along the beachfront in the hope that I might grab a selfie with the man. I would be the envy of my Facebook friends. And I could also get to ask him which architect he is using for his new home. They seem very competent. But probably not cheap.

But he is not walking in Joburg. He did get to Soweto over the weekend but is yet to be spotted in the Northern Suburbs. With our crime it's sensible to only run. And not too slowly.
I don't want to sound ungracious, but it doesn't seem fair that Capetonians have the mountain, the sea and now also the president. But I guess the fact that they don't have water could make up for it. At least our taps work.

To be fair, we did have Nelson Mandela's home in Houghton where we could leave notes and take photos to send to our friends. That, of course, being the difference between the cities. Capetonians would unlikely leave anything behind.

And what's with the "land expropriation without compensation" thing? Is it the EFF or ANC's cause? Watching Parliament I am starting to feel it's like a political game of "Who wore it better?" I have no idea where the EFF ends and the ANC begins. Currently the only way to tell is that the EFF MPs are wide awake whilst the ANC MPs… well, it is tiring. Many MPs are not as young as they once were. Especially after a parliamentary lunch. Anyone would be exhausted.

Our new president is very clearly the master of the long game. If he weren't then it is unlikely he ever would have achieved the position of leader of the ANC and president of the country.  He is smart and he is a strategist and given his past, it is probable that he knows what he is doing.

The fact that he left some very dubious and useless characters as ministers in certain portfolios most likely means that he needed them in order to achieve his long term goals. It could also mean that he needed to try and keep ANC members from devouring each other. But it would be nice if he could confirm that. Just so that we might have a little more confidence in the future and in his leadership.

He might also have decided that it is best to give EFF leader Julius Malema enough rope to hang himself. Malema, at the moment, is so busy rushing from populist cause to populist cause that he hardly has the time to breathe, let alone take a stroll on the gorgeous Cape Town beachfront. His strategy seems to be limited to throwing mud against walls to see what sticks. And whatever does, will become the cause of the day.

Last week Malema advocated removing items from supermarkets in case of listeriosis, then he wanted to march on the SA Reserve Bank to protest something or other; he tackled service delivery in Cape Town and threatened to remove Athol Trollip as mayor of Nelson Mandela Bay because he is white. And this was before his first flat white of the day (assuming that he doesn't have a racial concern about this innocuous cup of coffee). All whilst the president walks and walks and walks and walks.

And doesn't write.

South Africa's euphoria at the changing of the guard was tangible. For a time, the sun shone brighter and the birds sang a little louder. And although no one can be happy for too long (it's apparently not healthy), it would be nice if he sent us a message from time to time just to say hi and let us know that all is good, and that we are still walking in the right direction.

- Feldman is the author of Carry on Baggage and Tightrope and the afternoon drive show presenter on Chai FM.

Disclaimer: News24 encourages freedom of speech and the expression of diverse views. The views of columnists published on News24 are therefore their own and do not necessarily represent the views of News24.

CYRIL 100

View online Hi Thandisizwe Tracking Ramaphosa’s first 100 days in office Cyril Ramaphosa was elected South African president in February 2018 on a wave of optimism, following the forced resignation of former president Jacob Zuma. Ramaphosa spoke of a “new dawn” and vowed to use his time in office to serve the people of South Africa. He invited opposition parties, the media and the public to hold him accountable to the commitments he makes. That is exactly what we intend to do. Over the first 100 days of his presidency and beyond, News24 will use the Cyril100 site to track every kept and broken promise to hold the president to his word and to keep you updated about his ongoing performance. ​Read the latest updates here Netwerk24 | Spree | Careers24 | MySubs | News24 | Via TV Welcome to Promo24 Promo24 is part of Media24 and you are receiving this email because you previously supplied your details to us during the course of interacting with the Media24 Group. We aim to send you only relevant and engaging content and offers and will not spam you. We adhere to the Media24 Group Privacy Policy. You can manage your subscription to Promo24 by pausing your subscription, unsubscribing at any time, or by updating your profile details using the links in the footer. We will respect your choice.   More information about Media24

First black female CEO for BP

• By Southern Times --
• Mar29,2018 --
• 0 Comments

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Thandisizwe Mgudlwa

Cape Town – Perhaps it is in the spirit of transformation and employment equity that Bp Southern Africa (Bpsa) appointed Priscillah Mabelane, a chartered accountant, as its first black female chief executive officer.

Mabelane becomes the first woman in the history of South Africa’s oil industry to head a multi-national company.

An analyst attested this week, “This marks a significant milestone in the organisation and the industry’s transformation journey.”

Before her appointment, Mabelane was chief financial officer of the British oil and gas giant after she joined the group six years ago.

She will take the helm as CEO on September 1.

BPSA said Mabelane has more than 20 years of service in a number of key leadership positions. She brings a “wealth of world-class experience and expertise” to her new role as chief executive.

Prior to joining BP, Mabelane held various executive roles in a number of large South African companies.

She worked at Airports Company of South Africa as the chief financial officer; Ernst & Young where she was a tax director, and at Eskom where she held various roles in finance, tax and general management.

BPSA chairperson Thandi Orleyn thanked the outgoing chief executive, Daniel Odogwu, who was at the helm for three-and-a-half years and welcomed Mabelane.

“Given her proven track record in her previous executive roles, we are confident that Priscillah will be a strong leader for our business, especially as we continue to explore new areas of growth and development,” Orleyn said.

“Priscillah’s appointment reinforces BPSA’s pioneering role and strength of commitment to cultivating a diverse and inclusive workforce that will breed creativity and ensure we meet, even exceed customer expectations.”

Mabelane’s appointment follows closely on the heels of two recent female senior executive appointments to the BPSA leadership team – Kelebogile Tseladimitlwa as human resources director Southern Africa, and Prinisha Khoosal as commercial integration manager, Southern Africa, during the latter part of 2016.

The road to becoming the first black female CEO for BP Southern Africa started sometime back for Mabalane.

She had to overcome adversity along the way from attending a primary school under a tree in Burgersfor.

“I didn’t have a 20-year plan, but I am ambitious, and I knew I wanted to end up in the C-suite,” said Mabalane.

BPSA is a subsidiary of the BP Group - the multinational giant that employs more than 1,000 people and has 500 service stations in SA.

It also has 45 percent of a commercial and industrial fuels marketing business with Masana Petroleum Solutions. This includes a joint shareholding with Shell SA in the country’s largest fuel refinery, Sapref.

Mabelane started her career at Ernst & Young.  She was the only black woman in the Pietermaritzburg office.

This came after she completed her studies at the University of the North (now the University of Limpopo) and the University of KwaZulu Natal.

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