Mama Zora Mehlomakulu, The Forgotten Struggle Stalwart of South Africa

25.08.2022 Article

 

MODERN GHANA 

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Zora Mehlomakulu will live forever. Her likes don't die. Instead they multiply.

By Thandisizwe Mgudlwa

Zora and Dr Zuma

25.08.2022 LISTEN

"Well, the political organizations were crushed and they went underground, but all the same there were things like the trade unions, and that sort of remained a voice of the people. SACTU collapsed as a result of a lot of pressure from the government, but it only collapsed for a period of about three years - from 1969 to '72. In 1972 things started towards forming something for the workers, and in '73 the new union was born out of ex-trade unionists that were banned and house arrested and who actually felt that workers were defenseless. Something had to take place in the line of helping workers organize, and how that was going to take place, nobody actually had the right pattern. So our beginning was starting it as a small advice bureau, that was our springboard." Zora Mehlomakulu, a former SACTU official.

Learn and Teach compiled a story on Zora Mehlomakulu called: A Mother for Many. The gist of the story is centered on how workers in 1971 decided to form an advisory office instead of a union, due to pressures of the apartheid system at the time, The ANC, PAC and the trade union body, SACTU were suppressed and subsequently outlawed. In the workers’ own words: "We decided to start an advice office and not a union. The Minister of Labor was hard on unions at that time because the workers were still weak. The government wanted committees for the workers - not unions. That is how the Western Province Advice Office was started…Learn and Teach number 1, 1986.

Zora Mehlomakulu is one of the many forgotten heroines of the freedom struggle in South Africa.

She counseled those bothered either by personal issues, family matters, work injustices or just the ups and downs that we all encounter in this wonderful but imperfect world.

She traveled all around the length and breath of the country to organize and meet the downtrodden in villages, hostels, townships, community halls and open spaces and engaged industry bosses pleading for the plight of the workers to be improved to acceptable global working standards.

She worked and shared ideas with religious leaders, traditional leadership, industry leaders and working class, and community activists, members & representatives to found workable solutions to the challenges confronting humanity.

She sacrificed her youth and family life and marriage for the workers and the oppressed majority of South Africa, with numerous incarceration and ill-treatment at the hands of the apartheid regime.

But she never complained about her experiences as a true soldier of liberation, she stood her ground until the colonial apartheid regime fell.

Her story like that of her many compatriots who fought against the Apartheid regime must never be silenced and forgotten.

In the building of a totally liberated and prosperous nation, we have to refer back to the wisdom of people like Zora Mehlomakulu if we stand any chance of advancing the Struggle for a truly free and thriving society.

And at a time when South Africa appears to be directionless with never ending political squabbles, corruption, poor service delivery, perhaps the time to pause and reflect to unearth the visionary leadership of the past is long overdue.

Affectionately known as Mama Zora, and also called by her clan name of Marhadebe by many workers, Mama Zora's contribution and positive impact on society is what is needed to be shared to build a better world.

Learn and Teach magazine ensured Mama Zora remained vivid in the memories of those who knew Mama Zora and her contribution as one of the life-lines of the unions that commenced their tireless efforts to fight for workers’ rights from the 1950’s onwards.

This magazine’s 1986’s article opening line came as no surprise to a significant number of workers whose lives Zora had touched during the era when she was an active unionist, it read: Many workers in Cape Town think of Zora as a mother…

Mama Zora was not only a mother to the workers, she has two children of her own she nurtured and adored, Nosizwe and Thandisizwe, speak volumes about her social activism, philanthropist ideologies and deep-rooted love for her country and its working force.

Mama Zora’s life as a unionist started at a tender age of 20 in 1960.

At the time, she was hardly ready for the expected office conventions she had to be accustomed to, such as formal attire and the prestigious location of the office - Queen Victoria Street, in Cape Town.

The General Workers Union (GWU) later became the General Workers and Transport Union (GWTU) while she was its active member and thus an integral part of the activities of the larger union.

Additionally, the workers were of the view that she was rather young for the position she was holding.These sentiments exerted a lot of pressure on the young Zora. However, she was determined to gain their trust through hard work and acquiring the requisite leadership skills, even if these attributes were at the expense of a different demeanor than her peers.

Zora Nomathamsanqa Mehlomakulu was born on the 11th of April 1940 in Langa, Cape Town.

Mama Zora joined SACTU in 1963. In the same year, she received banning orders for her activism and efforts.

As a member of the United Women’s Democratic Organization she was a committed activist.

Consequently, Mama Zora was detained for the first time in 1963. Her task was exacerbated by the difficult times the unions were facing at the time.

In 1964, the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) opted to work more discreetly. A substantial number of SACTU members left the country and many were jailed. Mama Zora and her contemporaries were detained for several months during the spreading of the Soweto Uprising which broke out on June 16, 1976.

Zora Mehlomakulu-Mgudlwa was an organizer for the General Workers Union from 1976 until ill health in 1987 did not allow her to perform her responsibilities as effortlessly as she used to.

In 1976, she was part of a group that formed the General Workers Union, this stemmed from the government's suppression of SACTU from the early 1960s.

The latter’s members were frequently arrested and this reduced office manpower considerably. As a result of the discreet modus operandi a substantial number of SACTU members left the country while many were jailed.

Zora and her contemporaries were detained for several months during the spreading of the Soweto Uprising which broke out on June 16, 1976.

1976 also saw the rise and dominance of the Black Power movement in South Africa, inspired by Black Freedom Struggle in the United States of America.

Mama Zora played a prominent role in growing the Black Power movement in South Africa.

Phandulwazi started as a support structure for former members and pensioners of the trade unions as well as unemployed citizens. This initiative was established in 1988. The supportive concept on which it is based was conceived and pioneered by Mrs Zora Mehlomakulu-Mgudlwa assisted by her husband Fuyizizwe 'Frank' Mgudlwa in Langa, where they resided with their family.

This visionary and pioneer whose legacy still exists passed away in 2001, and followed by her husband in early 2019.

The former Premier of the Western Cape Province and former Ambassador of South Africa in the US, Abrahim Rassol, in a reminiscing about Mama Zora’s life had the following to say: “She will be remembered for her warmth, generosity and above all, her commitment to the freedom and betterment of others.”

In the Editorial Notebook issue; Points of light in South Africa that was published in 1993 in The New York Times, a point was made of Mrs Zora Mehlomakulu’s key oversight responsibility of the community development center at Langa. This center catered for job training, taught sewing, pattern design and brick making.

Mama Zora had lost her position as organizer for the Transport Workers Union when the economy slumped down. Mama Zora’s words were echoed by a myriad of Langa residents and in Cape Town and South Africa that things are changing, but not anywhere near the level to help the majority of people.

In a book review that was written by Desiree Lewis on Post-apartheid her stories: Zubeida Jaffer’s Our Generation Cape Town: Kwela, 2003 and Pregs Govender’s Love and Courage: A Story of Insubordination Johannesburg: Jacana, 2007, Zora and Mildred were grounded as Black women who advocated for women's rights.

The subtext of the story of male-led Struggle is therefore a record of how black women have always struggled for justice and rights; accounts and photographs of women such as Zora Mehlomakhulu, detained as a young woman in the 1970s and Mildred Ramakaba-Lesiea, one of the main organizers of women activists in the Western Cape, locate the author’s personal experience in a proud and independent history of Struggle.

A question that is often asked by those who were close to Mama Zora is: How many people remember the work of Zora Mehlomakulu?

A Cape Argus, August 1998 report read: To commemorate the 50th anniversary of its country's independence, the Indian High Commissioner in South Africa last week honoured 16 women who contributed to the struggle against apartheid. A substantial number of these heroines spent many years in jail. Many of them were also denied their freedom through house arrests and bannings. They also suffered the perpetual inequality that is common among South African women. Yet most of them remain unsung heroines. Last week was one of the few public tributes of their work. It was refreshing that the icons formed part of those who were honored in Cape Town by High Commissioner Lakshmi Jain and Mrs Devaki Jain on behalf of their government.

Mama Zora was one of the honored women at this event in 1998.

In 1996, Zora graduated in the Adult Community Education Programme from the University of Cape Town.

Mama Zora also received more awards and honors from the Trade Union Movement while she was still alive.

Since its inception in 1988, her community based organization, Phandulwazi, has trained more than 1000 people in various artisan skills, business and entrepreneurship programmes among others.

A well-deserving prestigious award: Officer of the Order of the Disa was awarded to Zora Mehlomakulu.

And as the South African History Archive (SAHA) notes, the influence of Natal University politics lecturer Rick Turner on a small circle of concerned students in the early 1970s led to the formation of a Wages and Economics Commission, a group which facilitated student involvement in labour issues.iii NUSAS then set up Wages Commissions on other white campuses: members in Durban set up the General Factory Workers' Benefit Fund; in Johannesburg, the Industrial Aid Society; and in Cape Town, the Western Province Workers' Advice Bureau.

"Well, the political organizations were crushed and they went underground, but all the same there were things like the trade unions, and that sort of remained a voice of the people. SACTU collapsed as a result of a lot of pressure from the government, but it only collapsed for a period of about three years - from 1969 to '72. In 1972 things started towards forming something for the workers, and in '73 the new union was born out of ex-trade unionists that were banned and house arrested and who actually felt that workers were defenseless. Something had to take place in the line of helping workers organize, and how that was going to take place, nobody actually had the right pattern. So our beginning was starting it as a small advice bureau, that was our springboard.

And at that time as well, there was a project at University of Cape Town called the Wages Commission. Now the Wages Commission was also doing a survey on conditions of workers, and we needed a base which was actually getting workers organized and seeing to their day-to-day complaints. So we actually started the project with a lot of help from the Wages Commission, which actually had white students. And ever since then the workers I am dealing with knew nothing else but that appreciation of a white skin working and sacrificing for a black trade union struggle.

Did you ever get the feeling that the authorities thought whites were 'agitating' behind the scenes?

Yes, from the interrogations, the questioning that I used to get when I was detained. They didn't think of the people who actually said the union must be formed - they all thought it was a university move, a band of communists that were wanting to take over, and that they were using me for this. Because we were working together, black and white - we started the union together, you know."

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Could Adoption Be A True Act of Love?

NEWS GHANA

By

THANDISIZWE MGUDLWA

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August 31, 2022

Legislation dictates that Social​ ​Workers​​ are required to​ ​inform adoptive parents​ ​about​ ​the outcome of their​ ​efforts to Adopt children​ ​only​ after​ ​the​ ​60-day​ ​mark

World renowned Motivational Speaker Les Brown was born with his twin brother, Wesley, in an abandoned building in Liberty City, a low-income section of Miami, Florida.

The twins were subsequently given up for Adoption and adopted by Mamie Brown, a 38-year-old single woman who worked as a cafeteria attendant and domestic assistant.

Both the Brown brothers have turned out to be constructive, well-rounded and upstanding members of society.

And Les calls himself “Mrs. Mamie Brown’s Baby Boy” and says that “All that I am and all that I ever hoped to be, I owe to my mother”.

Les also goes on to share the many times his mother told them he loved them and all her other children; and also gave them true love.

And yet in-spite of this great story of Adoption, it is generally viewed as a given to​ ​declare​​ that​ ​child​​ orphans​ ​ grow​ ​ up​ ​with​ ​a ​substantial​ ​ level​ ​ of confusion and feelings of inadequacies,​ ​particularly​ ​when their​ ​ surroundings​ ​ abound with ​their counterparts, children who have​ ​biological​ ​ parents,rather​ ​than​ ​ Adopted​ ​ ones​ ​ like​ ​ themselves, expert opinion suggests.

And they add that, as​ ​ noble​ ​ as​ ​ the​ ​ idea​ ​of adoptionmight seem,​ ​ it ​ is​ ​ regarded as one​ ​ of the​ ​ most​ ​complicated​ ​processes​ ​of acquiring a family for​ ​ the​ ​individual​ ​ or​ ​individuals​ ​ who intend​ ​ to​ ​ adopt​ ​and​ ​ subsequently,​ the​ ​potential adoptee.

Adoption experts​ ​and vulnerable children scholars confirm​ ​that​ ​this process​ ​ entails a procedure whereby​ ​ an individual​ ​assumes​ ​the parental role ​ of​ ​ another,​ ​ usually​ ​ a ​minor,​​ from​ ​ that​ ​person’s​ ​ biological​ ​ or​ ​ legal​ ​parent or​​ parents.​ ​More often than not,​ all​ ​ rights​ and​ ​responsibilities ​are permanently​ ​transferred, along​ ​ with​ ​filiation,​ ​ from​ ​ the​ ​ biological​ ​parent​ ​or​ ​ parents to the adoptees.

Unlike​ ​ guardianship​ ​ or other​ ​ systems​ ​ designed​ ​ for​ ​the​ ​care​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​ young,​ ​ experts​ ​ are of the view that,​ ​adoption​ ​is intended​ ​ to​ ​ effect​ ​ a ​ ​permanent​ ​change​ ​ in​ ​status of the parties involved.​ ​ This transformation​ ​ requires​ ​ societal recognition,​ ​ either​ ​ through​ ​ legal​ ​or​ ​ religious​ ​sanction.

“Both​ ​ biological​ ​ parents​ ​ must​ ​ consent​ ​ to​ ​the​ ​child​ ​being​ ​ adopted,”​ ​says​​ Kirstine Stewart,​ ​senior​ social​ ​ worker​ ​ at​ ​ Impilo​ ​ Adoption​ ​ Agency​ ​ &​ ​ Child​ Protection Services, a Gauteng-based non-profit organization.​ ​

Stewart further states that biological​ ​ parents legally​ ​ have​ ​60​ ​days​ ​ to​ ​ confirm​ ​their​ ​ decision while​ ​ the​ ​ child​ ​ is kept​ ​ at​ ​ a ​ ​ place​ ​ of​ ​ safety​ ​during​ ​ this​ ​time.​ ​

Legislation dictates that Social​ ​ Workers​​ are required to​ ​ inform adoptive parents​ ​ about​ ​the outcome of their​ ​efforts to adopt children​ ​only​ after​ ​the​ ​60-day​ ​mark.​ ​ When the results are positive, the​ ​ children​ ​are consequently placed​ ​with​ ​ the​ ​new​ ​ parents​ ​ within ​ approximately​ ​ three​ months.

Global​ ​ research​ ​ further​ ​ notes that, ​ historically,​ ​some​ ​societies​ ​have​​ passed specific ​ ​ laws​ ​governing​ ​ Adoption;​​and​ ​ where​ ​ others​ ​ have​ ​ attempted​ ​to​ ​achieve adoption​
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through​ ​ less​ ​formal​ ​means,​ ​notably​ ​via​ ​contracts​ that​ ​ specified inheritance​ ​ rights​ ​ and​ ​ parental​ ​responsibilities​ ​without​ ​ any​ ​ accompanying​ ​ transfer of​ ​filiation. For example, the​ ​Code​ ​ of​ ​ Hammurabi, a​ ​ well-preserved​ ​ Babylonian​ ​ code​ ​of​ ​ law​ ​ of​ ​ ancient Mesopotamia,​ ​ dating​ ​ back​ ​to​ ​about​ ​ 1754​ ​ BC​ ​ states:​ “arising in​ ​ the​ ​ 20th​ ​century,​ ​ modern​ ​systems​ ​ of​ ​ adoption​ ​ tend​ ​ to​ ​ be​ ​governed​ ​ by comprehensive​ ​ statutes​ ​ and​ ​ regulations.” These​​ legal​ ​ records​ show​ ​ that​ ​ the​ ​ modern​ ​ form​ ​ of​ ​adoption​ ​ emerged​ ​ in​​ the United​ ​ States,​ ​ although these forms​ ​ of​ ​this ​practice​ ​appeared​ ​ throughout​ ​ history.

The​ ​ South African Government Gazette has mandated the Child​ Care​ ​Act​ ​ of​ ​ 1983 in which “a ​ ​ child​ ​ may​ ​be​ ​ adopted​ ​ by​​ a​ married couple​ ​in​ ​ a ​ ​joint​ ​adoption;​ ​ a ​person​ ​who​ ​ has​​ married​ ​ the​ ​ parent​ ​of​ ​ a ​child​ ​ can adopt​ ​ the​ ​child,​ ​ with​ ​ the​ ​biological​ ​ parent’s​ ​ consent;​ ​ a ​​single​ ​person​ ​ can​ ​adopt​ ​ a child.” ​ This​ ​ is​ ​ called​ ​the​ ​adoption​ of​ ​a​ stepchild.

Furthermore,​ ​any​ ​ child​ ​ may​ ​ be​ ​ adopted​ ​provided​ ​ that​ ​he/she​ ​ is​ ​ under​ ​ the​ ​ age​ ​ of​ ​ 18 years​ ​ and​ ​has​ ​been​ ​ abandoned​ ​ or​ ​ orphaned.​ ​ If​ ​the​ child’s​ ​parents​ ​are​ still​ ​ alive, both​ ​ parents​ ​should give ​consent. Writing from the United States of America, another non-profit organization Gift of Life, which is based in Florida, proclaims that:

“Due​ ​ consideration​ ​to​ ​cultural​ ​ differences​ ​ in​ ​ placements​ ​– including​ ​language​ ​ and​ ​ religion,​ ​ however, cross-cultural​ ​placements​ ​ are​ ​ not outlawed. The​ ​ age​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​adoptive​ ​parent/s​ ​ will​ ​ be​ ​ taken​ ​ into​ ​consideration. Adoption​ ​may​ take​ ​ place​ ​ via​ ​ social​ ​ workers​ ​ – ​ ​usually​ ​ at private​ adoption agencies​ ​ – ​​ or​ ​ via​ ​non-profit​ ​government​ ​ organizations. In​ ​ non-abandonment​ ​adoptions,​ ​ the​ ​ birth​ ​mother​ ​ has​ ​ 60​ ​days​ ​ from​ ​the​ ​ time​ ​ of​ ​ the birth​ ​ in​ ​ which​ ​ she​ ​ may​ ​ change​​ her​ ​ mind​ ​ about​ ​putting​ ​her​ ​child​ ​ up​ ​ for​ ​adoption.”

Most​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​ adoptions​ ​ in​ ​ South​ ​ Africa​ ​stem​ ​ from​ abandoned​ ​ babies.​ ​ In​ ​these cases​ ​ it​ ​might​ take​​ up​ ​to​ eight​ ​ months​ ​ before​ ​ the​ ​ child can​ ​ be​ ​ released​ ​ from​ a ​place of​ ​ safety​ ​whilst​ ​Social​ ​ Workers​ ​ attempt​ ​ to​ ​trace​ ​ the​ ​ biological​ ​parents.

Eloise​ ​ Loots,​ ​ executive​ ​ social​ ​ worker​ ​at​ ​Procare​ ​ – ​ ​a ​ ​national​ ​ adoption​ ​ agency has the view that:​ ​”Applicants​ ​ must​ also​ ​ be​ ​ realistic:​ ​ if​ ​ you’re​ ​adopting​ ​ at​ ​ a ​ ​late​ age,​ ​will​ ​ you​ ​ be able​ ​ to​ ​manage​ ​ a ​ teenager​ ​ when​ you’re​ ​in your 70s?” Loots​, who is in her 40’s adopted​ ​her​ son​ ​17​ ​years​ ​ ago.

Focusing on criminal offences, Ruth​ ​dos​ ​ Santos​ ​ of​ ​ The​ ​Adoption​ ​ Companion,​ ​ a ​ ​national​ ​ adoption​ ​ information service​ has a positive inclination towards criminal offenders,​ ​ “A​ ​ person​ ​with​ ​ a ​ ​ criminal​ ​ record​​ can​ ​ adopt,​ ​depending​ ​on​ ​ the​ nature of​ ​ their​ ​crime.​ ​ For​ ​ example,​ ​ a ​ person​ ​ who​ ​ has​ ​ a ​ ​drunk-driving​ ​ charge​ ​ three​ ​to five​ ​ years​ ​ before​ ​adopting​ ​ can​ ​ be​ ​ considered​ ​ if​ ​ there’s​ ​ no​ ​ repeat​​ offense​ ​ and​ ​ the Social​ ​ Worker​ ​ determines​ ​ the​ ​person​ ​is​ ​rehabilitated.”​ ​ Dos Santos​ ​ further​ ​ advises​ ​that you​ ​ should ​ first​ ​ find​ ​ out​ ​ as​ ​ much​ ​ as​ ​possible​ ​about​ ​ Adoption.​ ​ “Meet​ ​ others​ ​ who’ve adopted,​ ​join​ ​ Facebook​ ​ adoption​ ​ groups​ ​ and​ ​ ask​ ​questions,”​ ​she​ says.​ ​ Talking​ to others ​ ​ will​ ​ also​ ​ help​ ​ you​ ​ to​ ​ find​ ​ an​ ​ agency​ or​ ​ private​ ​ Social​ ​ Worker.

“It’s​ ​ a ​ ​child-centred​ ​approach​ ​ – ​ ​ we’re​ ​ not​ ​searching​ ​ for​ ​ babies​ for​ ​parents,​ ​ we’re searching​ ​for​ ​suitable​ ​adoptive​ ​ parents​​ for​ ​adoptable​ ​ children,”​ ​ ​Steward​ ​ reiterates.

The​ ​ experts​​ further​ ​ explain​ ​ that​ ​ after​ ​ making​ ​the​​ call​, ​some​ ​ agencies​ ​ allow​ ​ parents to​ ​ visit​ ​ the​ ​child​ ​for​ ​ a few​ ​ days​ ​ before​ ​ he​ ​ or​ ​ she​ ​ is​ ​legally​ ​placed​ ​ in​ ​ their​ ​ care. As​ ​ revealed​ ​ by​ ​ Scielo​ ​South​ ​ Africa,​ ​ “Others​ ​ who​ ​ don’t​ ​ have​ ​ that​ ​ system​​ tell​ ​ the new​ ​ parents​ ​ about​ ​ the​ ​ child​ ​ and​ ​ the​ ​routine​ ​ before​ ​ you​ ​ can​ ​ take​ ​him​ ​or​ ​her​ ​home.”

The​ ​ Social​ ​ Worker​ ​ files​ ​ all​ ​ the​ ​ documentation​ with​ ​the​ ​Children’s​ ​ Court​ ​ in​ ​ your​ ​ area​ ​ and the​ ​adoptive​ ​ parents​ ​ go​ ​ to​ ​court​ ​ to​ ​ sign​ ​ the​ ​application​ ​ form​ ​ to​ ​ have​ ​ the adoption​ ​ order​ ​granted.​ ​ The​ ​ order​ ​ stipulates​ ​ that​ ​ the​ ​ surname​ ​of​ ​ the​ ​ adoptive parents​ ​can​ ​ be​ ​ given​ ​ to​ the​ ​child​ ​ but​ ​ this​ ​ doesn’t​ ​officially​ ​ happen​ ​ until​ ​Home Affairs​ ​ changes​ ​ the​ ​child’s​ ​ surname​ ​ in​ ​ the​ ​population​ ​ register.​ ​ The​ ​adoption​ ​ order is​ ​ sent​ ​ to​​ the​ ​ registrar​ ​ of​ ​adoptions​ ​ in​ ​ Pretoria​, South Africa ​ to​ ​ be​ ​registered​ ​and​ ​ is​ ​ posted​ ​to the​ ​ parents. When​ ​ the​ ​adoption​ ​ order​ ​ is​ ​registered,​ ​ the​ ​ child​ ​ is​ ​officially​ ​ yours​ ​ – ​ ​ in​ ​terms​ ​ of the​ ​ law​ ​ it’s​ ​as​ ​ if​ ​ the​ ​ child​ ​ were​ ​born​ ​ to​ ​ you.​ ​ You​ ​ now​ apply​ ​ to​ ​ Home​ ​ Affairs​ ​for​ ​ the official​ ​ name​ ​change​ ​ and​ ​ new​ ​ birth​ ​certificate.​ ​ This​ ​ could​ ​take​ ​ four​ ​ to​ ​ 18​ ​ months.”

In an​​ unfortunate​ ​turn​ ​ of​ ​events,​ ​ is​ the​ ​case​​ of​ ​GT​ ​v ​ CT​ ​ [2015]​ ​ 3 ​ ​ALL​ ​ SA​ ​ 631​ ​ (GJ).

“Two​ ​ children​ ​ had​ ​ been​ ​ legally​ ​ adopted​ ​ by​ ​ their​​ stepfather​ ​ while​ ​ the​ ​ Child​ ​ Care Act​ ​ was​ ​ in​ ​operation.​ ​ After​ ​ the​ ​ implementation​ ​of​ ​ the​ ​Children’s​ ​ Act​ ​ 38​ ​ of​ ​ 2005, however,​ ​ he​ ​ applied​ ​for​ ​ these​ ​ adoption​ ​ orders​ ​ to​​ be​ ​ rescinded.​ ​ The​ ​court​ ​ was faced​ ​ with​ ​ a ​situation​ ​ where​ ​ the​ ​ application​ ​had​ ​ been​ ​ brought​ in​ ​ contravention of​ ​ the​ ​ maximum​ ​ two-year-period​ ​ as​ ​prescribed​ ​ by​ ​the​ ​ Children’s​ ​ Act.​ ​ Although​ ​ it was​ ​argued​ ​ that​ ​ non-compliance​ ​ with​ ​ this​ ​ statutory​ requirement​ ​ prevented​ ​ the court​ ​ from​ ​ adjudicating​ ​ this​ matter,​ ​ Mokgoatlheng​ ​ J​ ​ focused​ ​ on​ ​ the​ ​ best​ ​interests of​ ​ the​ ​ child,​ ​ considered​ ​ the​ ​ legality​ ​ of​ the​ ​adoption​ ​ orders​,​ ​ and​ ​ ultimately concluded​ ​ that​ ​the​ ​ supremacy​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​ best​ ​interests​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​child​ ​ meant​ that​ ​ he​ ​ was not​ ​ precluded​ ​ from​ ​hearing​ ​ the​ ​application.​ ​ In​ ​the​ ​ end​ ​ he​ ​ ordered​ ​ the​ ​ rescission of ​ ​ the​ ​ adoption​ ​ orders.​ ​ The​ ​ judgment​ ​ cannot​ ​ be​ supported.”

Themba​ ​ Skosana​ ​ and​ ​ Sandra​ ​ Ferreira​ ​ two​ ​academics​ from​ the​ ​ University​ ​ of​ ​ South​ ​ Africa, who​ ​compiled​ ​the​ ​ case​ ​ study,​ ​ concluded​ ​ that​, ​ had​ ​there​ ​ been​ ​a ​ ​statutory​ ​ requirement​ ​ for the​ ​counseling​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​parents​ ​ by​ ​ the​ ​ adoptions​ ​social​ ​ worker​ ​ facilitating​ ​ the​ ​ adoptions before​ ​ they​ ​were​ ​ granted,​ ​ the​ ​adoption​ ​ might​ ​ never​ ​ have​ ​happened​ ​ in​ ​ the​ ​ first​ ​place.

“Unfortunately​ ​ at​ ​ the​​ time​ ​ there​ ​ was​ ​ no​ such​ ​requirement. The​ ​ impression​​ left​ ​ by​ ​ this judgment​ ​ is​ ​that​ there​ ​ was​ ​ some​ ​kind​ ​ of​ ​ collusion​ ​ or​ ​scheming​ ​ against​ ​ the​ ​stepfather when​ ​ the​ ​ adoptions​ ​ were​ ​ granted​ ​ and​ ​ that​​ the​ ​ court​ ​ looked​ ​ for​ ​ a way​ ​ to​ ​ “right​ ​ this wrong”.​ ​ Even​ ​ if​ ​ this​ ​ was​ ​ so​ ​ and​ ​ it​ ​ was​ ​true​​ that​ ​ the​ ​ adoptions​ ​ had​ ​ been​ ​”forged​ ​ on​ ​ an unsound​ ​ legal​ ​ and​ ​ moral​ ​ foundation” and​ ​ had​ ​ been​ ​”engineered​ ​by​ ​ the​ ​ first​ ​ respondent with​ ​ the​ ​connivance​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​second​ ​ respondent​ ​ and​ ​ the​ ​compliance​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​ applicant”​ it​ ​ has no​ ​ bearing​ ​on​ ​ the​ ​ matter,​ ​ as​ ​ the​ ​ mind-set​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​parties,​ ​or​ ​ the​ ​ driving​ ​ force​ ​behind​ ​ the applications,​ ​ is​ ​ not​ ​ relevant​ ​ or​ ​ a ​ ​ factor​ ​ for​ ​the​ ​ rescission​ ​ of​ ​ an​ ​ adoption​ ​ order.​ ​ ​ The requirements​ ​ for​ ​ the​ ​ rescission​ ​ of​ ​ an​ ​ adoption​ ​order​ ​ are​ ​ objective​ ​ and​ ​ not​ ​ in​ ​ any​ ​ way influenced​ ​ by​​ the​​ purpose​ ​ or​ ​reason​ ​ for​ ​ the​ ​application,”​ Skosana ​ and​ ​ Ferreira​ ​ found.

Indeed, it would be fair to argue that Adoption is a true act of love.

PS: This is an Updated article by the Writer that appeared in BONA Magazine without a Byline.

Covid-19, business lessons and make use of them for a prosperous future for all

March 18, 2022 Thandisizwe Mgudlwa Analysis In the hour of preparing to transition from Covid-19 lockdowns South Africa, African and other developing economies would do well to pay attention to the Family Business model. In the10thPrice Waterhouse Coopers (PwC) Global Family Business Survey, reveals the current thinking, and future outlook of 2801 family business leaders across 87 territories. The findings show that it’s no longer enough to rely on values and legacy to propel the business forward. Tomorrow’s family business requires a new approach for lasting success — one based on accelerated digital transformation, prioritization of sustainability goals and professional family governance. And in the previous Family Business Surveys, the future of the family business model has proved to be a viable solution for various economies globally. Consisting of interviews on firms approaching their first generational transition, the research also focuses on those groups that can measure their longevity in centuries. According to Pwc, key issues stay constant every year, but with some changes to these. “We’ve talked to founders, next gens, and professional CEOs. We discussed global megatrends such as digital and globalisation, and the challenges of ‘keeping it in the family. In 2012, the dominant themes were skills, scale and succession. By 2014, this evolved to a focus on the need to professionalise both the business and the family. This agenda is far from complete, though progress is being made. In later years, the shift was perhaps more fundamental: from the short term and tactical, to the medium term and strategic. The studies also revealed that the challenge is in the middle, is having a strategic plan that links where the business is now to the long term and where it could be. “This is what we are referring to as the ‘missing middle’.” In addition, the reports highlighted that family firms are ambitious: “They want to grow and ensure the long-term success of their business, but it is clear that many of the issues they face derive from a lack of strategic planning. Some are doing this, and doing it well, but in our experience, a much higher proportion are so absorbed in the everyday that longer-term planning is neglected. Family firms may lack the skills to develop such a plan and some may assume that ‘thinking in generations’ means that the medium term will somehow look after itself.” Moreover, family firms remain a vital part of economies across the world contributing the bulk of GDP in many territories. “We’re committed to working with family firms and helping them make an even bigger contribution to growth and prosperity.” Recent global business research shows that almost half of entrepreneurs come from family run businesses highlighting that the spirit of entrepreneurship still lies at the heart of many family businesses. “If family businesses want to get to the sweet spot where competence and ethics converge, it requires a change of mindset, a rethinking of their priorities and behaviours and a new definition of legacy,” says Peter Englisch, Global Family Business Leader, Partner, PwC Germany. Nicholas Oughtred, chairman, William Jackson Food Group, foodand drinks manufacturer and supplier, UK explains the dynamics of lockdown: “We had three principles to get us through the crisis: to look after our people, to preserve cash and to build a better business for the future. Some parts of the business doubled overnight, while other parts, such as restaurant supplies, disappeared. I feel a great sense of pride in how we helped the community, delivering food to people who couldn’t get to the shops and helping those in need.” Now, in looking beyond COVID-19, almost half (46%) of family businesses expect sales to decline. But 86% anticipate a return to pre-pandemic growth rates by 2022, an impressive level of optimism given that no vaccines had been approved when the survey was conducted, notes PWC, not surprisingly, the impact of COVID-19 on sales is uneven across sectors. Eighty-four percent of those in hospitality and leisure, the highest proportion of any sector, expect a contraction, followed by 64% in automotive and 63% in entertainment and media. On resilience, only one-third (34%) of surveyed businesses have had to cut dividends, and 31% of family members have taken salary cuts. Overall, only one in five businesses (21%) needed to access extra capital; 15% of the owners are putting in more of their own cash, and a further 23% say they are prepared to do so if necessary. Moreover, family businesses are especially important in Middle Eastern economies, contributing 60% to GDP and employing over 80% of the workforce. Many of the region’s largest companies are family-controlled, and in a sector like retail, some of the biggest Western brands are actually managed as franchise operations by local family firms. The Seddiqi family for example, has built its own successful legacy and brand; Ahmed Seddiqi & Sons has a reputation as a trusted destination for luxury watches and jewellery in the Middle East, representing more than 60 luxury timepiece brands across 65 locations in the UAE. The company was originally founded in the late 1940s, and four generations later, is still owned and run by the family, with new ventures in education, healthcare, services, and real estate co-ordinated through a holding company. Osama Ibrahim Seddiqi is CFO of Seddiqi Holding, and first got involved in the family firm during school vacations, working as a sales assistant. He recently shared, “This is where I learned one of the secrets of our family’s success: we treat our customers as long-term friends, not just one-off clients. That’s as important now as it was in the 1950s. That’s why I sometimes make a point of delivering some of the client’s timepieces. That’s part of our culture.” However, Osama didn’t go straight into the family firm. In fact, he followed a carefully thought-out career plan, beginning with a baccalaureate in Dubai, followed by a degree in Business Administration in Denver, and several years’ experience with the National Bank of Dubai. “This allowed me to develop all the specific skills I needed to take on a senior finance role in my family’s company, and I now sit on Seddiqi Holdings executive committee and Board of Directors. We currently have ten family members actively involved in the day-to-day operations of the business, but we recognise the value of bringing in skilled professionals from outside, and there are many in senior management or C-suite roles.” We can take the time to further study these exceptional family business lessons and make use of them for a prosperous future for all. We can not afford to ignore the lessons. Share twitter facebook linkedin Thandisizwe Mgudlwa

AfDB’s Affirmative Finance Action for Women in Africa (AFAWA) initiative to Disburse $500 Million to Women-led Businesses

While 25.9% of the female adult-population in Africa are entrepreneurs, access to finance remains a persistent challenge, with AFAWA estimating a financing gap of $42 billion, including $15.6 billion in agriculture alone. Thandisizwe Mgudlwa by Thandisizwe Mgudlwa March 26, 2022 9 The African Development Bank (AfDB) this week is showing that it means business when it comes to women empowerment. This comes after Wednesday’s event organised by the African Development Bank Group President Dr. Akinwumi A. Adesina. Dr. Adesina told women at a conference in Pretoria that they are part of a revolution that is building across Africa. The head of Africa’s premier development lending institution was speaking at the virtual Women Heads of State Initiative, a new cross-media initiative organized by Africa.com in partnership with Coca Cola Africa. The summit recognizes serving and past women presidents and prime ministers in Africa. And one of its highlights is strengthening the capacity for emerging female leaders on the continent. Dr. Adesina lauded the accomplishments of women in Africa. He said that unlike women in other parts of the world who have had to break through glass ceilings, “women in Africa have had to break through male-dominated concrete ceilings.” The African Development Bank Group President said the recent virtual Africa Investment Forum boardrooms, an initiative of the Bank Group and other founding partners, attracted $32.8 billion in investment interests, including $5 billion for women-run businesses. The Women Heads of State Initiative featured other speakers, including Yvonne Aki-Sawyerr, OBE, the Mayor of Freetown, Sierra Leone; Vera Songwe; United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Africa; Wanjira Mathai, Vice President & Regional Director for Africa of the World Resources Institute; Mausi Segun, Executive Director of Human Rights Watch’s Africa division; and Kuseni Dlamini, Chairman of Aspen Pharmacare and Massmart Holdings. Moreover, issues discussed included women in leadership and business, climate change, vaccine manufacturing and water security. The conference also honored the 22 women who had served an African country as president or prime minister. Special guests included Prime Minister Saara Kuugongelwa-Amadhila of Namibia; Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, the former President of Liberia; Ameenah Gurib-Fakim, the former President of Mauritius; and Joyce Banda, the former President of Malawi. Addressing the topic of food security, Adesina decried the obstacles that women encounter across the continent. He underscored challenges, including women’s lack of access to land, extension services and finance, even though women make up more than 60% of Africa’s smallholder farming community. Africa has the highest percentage of women entrepreneurs in the world. Data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) 2016/17 Women’s Report(link is external) indicate that 25.9% of the female adult-population are entrepreneurs, meaning that one in four women starts or manages a business. However, AFAWA reiterates that women entrepreneurs face multiple challenges to access finance, with an estimated $42 billion financing gap for African women across business value chains, including $15.6 billion in agriculture alone. “A revolution is building,” Adesina said, while highlighting the African Development Bank Group’s Affirmative Finance Action for Women in Africa (AFAWA) initiative. The program disbursed $450 million in 2021 for financial institutions to lend to women-led businesses. In 2022, Adesina added, the African Development Bank will disburse $500 million to women-led businesses. He further explained that women in business faced a $42 billion finance gap in Africa. “Women must go beyond primary farm production,” Adesina said. “They must also dominate agro-processing value chains, where most of the wealth is generated.” President Banda shared concerns about the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on women’s progress. She said the pandemic had deepened poverty levels and led to thousands of girls dropping out of school. She added that she was, however, heartened by the African Development Bank chief’s update on his institution’s women-centered programs. Banda said: “The organizations supporting women in agriculture are really struggling … Malawian women farmers need help and need help now. There have been years when they have lost all their yields due to lack of markets. Yet those companies that might help them to raise finance don’t turn up.” President Johnson Sirleaf was emphatic about Africa’s prospects, which she said were boosted by an increasingly youthful population. She called for policies that would focus on marginalized women. “As women leaders, we need to look at our own laws, and our own policies, and see: Are they conducive to promoting those women who are at the levels where you may consider them disadvantaged?” Both Banda and Johnson Sirleaf shared plans to uplift women through their respective foundations. This included an upcoming conference in Malawi, which will address funding for women-headed organizations, among other issues. President Banda said only 1% of gender funding goes to organizations headed by women. The Women’s Head of State Summit was convened following the 2021 UN-organized Generation Equality Forum held in Paris. Post Views: 14

PLEASE GIVE PAC A CHANCE MY PEOPLE! PAC WANTS TO DO SO MUCH FOR YOU! WE LOVE YOU!

PAC CONSTITUTION AMENDED AT THE GA-MATLALA CONGRESS 2000 1. NAME 1.1 The name of the Organization shall be PAN AFRICANIST CONGRESS OF AZANIA, (hereinafter referred to as the PAC). 1.2 COLOURS 1.2.1 The colours of the PAC shall be Green, Black, and Gold inserted against the background of black map of Africa containing a Gold star sending the light of freedom and total liberation throughout the continent of Africa. 2. AIMS AND OBJECTIVES 2.1 To unite and rally the African people into one national front of the basis of African nationalism. 2.2 To fight for the overthrow of all forms of domination, including neo-colonial domination, for economic empowerment of the African and for the implementation and maintenance of the right to self-determination of the African people, in a non-racial and unitary state. 2.3 To work and strive for the establishment and maintenance of an Africanist Socialist democracy recognizing the primacy of the material and spiritual interests of the Africans. 2.4 To promote the educational, cultural and economic advancement of the African people. 2.5 To propagate and promote the concept and ideology of Pan Africanism by promoting unity among the peoples of Africa and African descent through the projection of the African personality. 3. MEMBERSHIP 3.1 Any South African who accepts the principles, programme and discipline of the PC shall be eligible for membership, provided that: 3.2 He/She is not a member of any political organization. 3.3 In case where is doubt whether a particular applicant for membership is so eligible, such an applicant shall be forwarded by the Branch Executive to the NEC with the reasons for doubt, before the applicant is accepted or rejected. Once the NEC is satisfied that such an applicant is eligible for membership, the NEC shall issue such applicant, upon payment of the prescribed enrolment fee, a membership card after which the applicant shall b regarded as a member of the PAC. 3.4 All members shall be supplied with membership cards 4. COMPONENT STRUCTURES 4.1 Component structures are PAC organs dealing with certain segments of the population. They are guided and bound by the PAC constitution, policies and programmes. 4.2 The component structures shall have one representative in the National Working Committee of the PAC, except PAWO, which shall have two representatives. 4.3 For the purpose of this constitution and for as long as the Annual National Conference has not terminated such a membership, the following structures shall be deemed to be component structures of the PAC. 4.3.1 Pan Africanist Women’s organization (PAWO) 4.3.2 Pan African Students organization (PASO) 4.3.3 Pan Africanist Youth organization (PAYCO) 4.3.4 Pan Africanist Student Movement (PASMA) 4.3.5 APLA Veterans Association (APLAMVA) 4.3.6 Pan Africanist Labour Forum (PALF) 4.4 The Chairpersons of the component structures shall head the departments of Women, Students, and Youth Affairs in the PAC. 5. THE NATIONAL CONGRESS, THE ANNUAL NATIONAL CONFERENCE AND THE SPECIAL NATIONAL CONFERENCE. 5.1 The national conference shall be the supreme organ of the organization and shall lay down policies and programme of the PAC and its decision shall be binding on all members, components and organs of the PAC. 5.2 The Annual National Conference shall be held every 12 months and the annual and the Annual National Conferences held in the year of elections of the NEC shall become the National Congress. The National Congress shall be held every third year from the last one. 5.3 The functions, duties and powers of the National Congress shall be supervisory, deliberative and determinative. 5.4 Branches that are in full compliance with their fees be entitled to be represented at the National Congress by one delegate for every 20 members. 5.5 A special National Conference may be convened by the NEC if, in the opinion of the NEC, an emergency which warrants such a conference, has arisen or, 5.6 Upon receipt of a requisition signed by one third of the number of the branches represented at the previous National Congress, a special National Conference shall be called by the NEC in connection with the subject matter of the requisition within four weeks of such requisition by the Secretary General; provided that such a requisition is lodge with the Secretary General within a period of thirty (30) days after the last day of the previous congress. 5.7 At least eight weeks before the date of the holding of an Annual Conference, the NEC shall give a notice of a date and place of such conference and shall circulate the agenda to all component structures and organs of the PAC. 5.8 If any province, region, branch, component structure or organ of the PAC wants to secure the inclusion of any specified item in the agenda of the Annual National Conference, a notice setting out such item on the agenda must be forwarded to the Secretary General at least six weeks before the date of the Annual National Conference. Upon receipt of such notice for inclusion of any item in the agenda, the NEC shall cause an amended agenda to be circulated to provinces, regions, branches and component structures of the PAC. 5.9 Only provinces, regions, branches component structures and organs of the PAC and not individual members may send motions or proposed agenda items for determination at the Annual National Conference or Special National Conference. 5.10 The Annual National Conference shall consider and may adopt, amongst other, the following; 5.10.1 The Annual Presidential Address 5.10.2 Presidential Report 5.10.3 The Annual Report of the Secretary General and; 5.10.4 The combined Annual Reports of the respective Secretaries of the NEC. Audited Financial Statements and Accounts presented by the NEC. 5.10.5 Report of the National Organiser 5.10.6 Minutes of the previous conference/congress. 5.10.7 Reports from Component Structures. 5.11 The National Congress shall elect the President, Deputy President, and members of the NEC tri-annually. 6. COMPOSITION OF THE NATIONAL CONGRESS 6.1 The National Congress shall be constituted as follows: 6.1.1 Delegates from branches are elected subject to the previsions of Section 5.4 here above. 6.1.2 All members of the NEC and all members of NWC shall have full delegate status. 6.1.3 Congress delegation shall be presented for accreditation by the Provincial Executive Committees twenty-one days before Congress/Conference to the office of the Secretary General. 6.2 No person shall be a delegate to National Congress/Annual Conference for more than one branch, region, component structures or organ of the PAC. 6.3 No person who is not in good standing in regard to enrolment or subscription fees shall be eligible as a voting delegate to the National Congress. 7. THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COUNCIL (NEC) 7.1 The NEC shall, subject to the supervisory powers of the National Congress, be the highest executive, administrative and disciplinary authority within the PAC. 7.2 The NEC shall be constituted as follows: 7.2.1 The President 7.2.2 The Deputy President 7.2.3 The Secretary General 7.2.4 The Assistant Secretary General 7.2.5 The Secretary For Finance 7.2.6 The National Organiser 7.2.7 Secretary For Publicity And Information 7.2.8 The Secretary For Foreign Affairs 7.2.9 The Secretary For Political And Pan African Affairs 7.2.10 The Secretary For Legal And Constitutional Affairs 7.2.11 The Secretary For Labour 7.2.12 The Secretary For Education And Human Resources 7.2.13 The Secretary For Culture Sports And Recreation, Science And Technology 7.2.14 The Secretary For Health 7.2.15 The Secretary For Economic Affairs And Development Planning, Trade, Commerce And Industry 7.2.16 The Secretary For Projects And Development, Minerals And Energy 7.2.17 The Secretary For Youth Affairs, Chairman Of PAYCO 7.2.18 The Secretary For Environmental Affairs And Tourism 7.2.19 The Secretary For Religious Affairs 7.2.20 The Secretary For Social Welfare 7.2.21 The Secretary For Local Government Housing And Civil Affairs 7.2.22 The Secretary For Transport 7.2.23 The Secretary For Land And Agricultural Affairs 7.2.24 The Secretary For Post And Telecommunication 7.2.25 Two Members Nominated By Each Component Structure That Shall Become The Members Of The NEC, Provided That At Least One Of The Nominees Of Each Component Structure Is A Women. 7.2.26 Provincial Chairpersons shall be ex officio members of the NEC 7.2.27 A number of National Executive Members equal to the portfolios set out in paragraph 7.2.1 to 7.2.24 shall be elected at the National Congress by majority vote. 7.3 The allocation of specific portfolio or departments’ referred to in 7.2.7 to 7.2.24 to members of the NEC shall be done by the Presidency. 7.4 The President, after due consultation with the Deputy President, may from time to time, and not withstanding the provision of 7.3 here above, allocate to any member of the NEC any portfolio or department; and may co-opt not more than five persons into the NEC on the basis of the expertise that they possess. 7.5 The NEC shall hold the office for the period of three years. 7.6 No elected member of the NEC shall hold office in any Province, Region or Branch Component Structure. 7.7 The NEC shall meet in a plenary session at least once every three months. 7.8 The NATIONAL CHAIRPERSON.There shall be a National Chairperson elected at the National Congress whose duties shall be ceremonial, and any other official duty or delegate to him/her by the presidency and/or the NEC. 8. DUTIES OF THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 8.1 The duties of the NEC shall among other be: 8.1.1 To act as the supreme of the PAC between congresses/conference. 8.1.2 To carry out the aims, objectives of the PAC and to implement policies and programmes of the party as well as implementing the resolutions and directives of National congress/conference. 8.1.3 To organize, supervise and co-ordinate all the activities of the party; and to this end, it shall coordinate the activities of the provinces, region and branches. 8.1.4 To ensure that the political education workshops on Pan Africanism as well as on the vision, mission and the aims and objective of the organization are conducted by all the structures of the organization. 8.1.5 To conduct a strategic workshop for its members within three months after the beginning of each new term of office to ensure unanimity to its members on Pan Africanism as well as on the vision, mission and aims and objectives of the organization. 8.1.6 To take final decisions on all disciplinary decisions/recommendations and to act as the organ of appeal. 8.1.7 To act as the custodian of all assets of the party and to present to congress an inventory of party assets. 9. THE NATIONAL WORKING COMMITTEE (NWC) 9.1 The National Working Committee shall be the main sub-organ of the NEC and shall consist of the President, Deputy President, and Heads or Secretaries of the following departments or portfolios: Secretary General, Assistant Secretary General, National Organiser, Finance Secretary, Legal and Constitutional Affair, Publicity and Information, Political and Pan African Affairs, Foreign Affairs and two nominees of PAWO and one of PASO and PAYCO, PASMA, APLA Veterans & PALF provided that at least one of the nominees of each component structure is women. 9.2 The NWC shall, subject to the supervision of the NEC, execute the decisions and resolutions of the National Congress and the NEC. 9.3 The NWC shall control and shall supervise the administrative machinery of the organization on a National, Provincial , Regional and Branch level and shall take such administrative measure at it deems necessary to enforce the decisions and programmes of the organization. 9.4 The NWC shall hold office for the same as that of the NEC. 9.5 The NWC shall meet in a plenary sessions at least once every month provided that is an emergency relevant to aims and objects, policies and programmes of the organization should arise, the NWC shall meet as often as such emergency situations reasonably require, to safeguard the existence, aims, objectives and basic programmes of the organization. 9.6 The NWC shall take and execute all emergency administrative decisions and report such decisions to the NEC provided such decision do not impinge on policy. 10. THE DIRECTORATE 10.1 The member of the NEC charged with any post or department provided in paragraph 7.2.7 to 7.2.24 shall also be the political head and shall make recommendations to the NEC to the appointment of the organization in his/her secretariat or department. 10.2 The directorate shall of consist of at least 5 members of the organization, one of whom shall be the director of the directorate. 10.3 Members of the directorate shall be appointed by the NWC within 30 days of receipt of such recommended from the NEC members charged with the relevant portfolio or secretariat 10.4 The NWC shall upon good cause have power to recommend disciplinary steps against any members of the directorate to the NEC. 11. PROVINCIAL STRUCTURES 11.1 For Administrative, organizational and other purposes there shall be a provincial structure in each of the state provinces, i.e Mpumalanga, Gauteng, Northern Province,, North West, Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Free State ,Kwa-Zulu Natal and Western Cape. 11.2 The boundaries of the provinces shall be those of the state provinces as mentioned in 11.1 except in cases where the NEC feels that the administration of a province shall be better served by a further demarcation. In this case the NEC shall have the power to implement the decision subject to ratification by congress/annual conference. This decision shall be preceded by discussion with the province affected. 12. COMPOSITION OF THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS AND EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 12.1 The provincial congress shall consist of delegates from branches within the province as prescribed in section 5.4 above and members of the REC as full delegates. 12.2 Provincial congress shall be held at such a time and place as may be decided upon by the previous provincial congress and in a absence of such a decision, by the PEC, or as directed by the NEC. 12.3 The provincial congress shall elect a PEC composed of the following members: 12.3.1 A Chairperson and Vice Chairperson 12.3.2 A Secretary and Assistant Secretary 12.3.3 A Treasure 12.3.4 A Provincial Organiser and, 12.3.5 Ten Additional Members 12.4 Regional Chairpersons shall become members of the PEC 13. DUTIES AND FUNCTIONS OF THE PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 13.1 To establish, organize and co-ordinate the activities of the regions within the province. 13.2 To carry out the aims, objectives, policies and programmes of the organization as well as instructions and directives or resolution of the NEC, NWC and the National Conference. 13.3 To implement the decision of the Provincial Congress, provided that such decision are not in conflict with any programmes, directive or resolutions of the NEC, NWC and/or the National Congress. 13.4 To submit annual financial statements, accounts and annual reports to the Provincial Congress and the PEC. 13.5 To help manage, control and guide the implementation and projects of the organization in the Province. 13.6 To make recommendations and suggestions to the NEC on matters affecting the welfare of the organization in the province. 13.7 To undertake all such activities as may further the policies and programmes of the organization in the province. 13.8 To keep the register of branches and branch members under its jurisdiction and to collect membership fees branches and pay such fees to the national account monthly. 13.9 To report on outstanding membership fees on monthly bases to the national treasury. 13.10 The PEC shall hold the office for a period of three years. 14. THE PROVINCIAL FUNDS 14.1 The provinces shall be entitled to raise money in their immediate vicinity and through such funds, finance programme as approved by the NEC. Funds so raised shall be for the exclusive use for projects related to the province concerned. All funds received by the province shall be deposited in a centralized banking account determined by the NEC. 14.2 The PEC shall at the end of the financial year cause the provincial treasure to prepare and submit audited financial statements and accounts to the provincial Conference/Congress. The PEC shall manner and means of revenue and expenditure for the Province. 14.3 The Annual Provincial Conference each province shall adopt a budget for the forthcoming financial year which budget shall be submitted to the PEC for approval. In terms of 13.8 and 13.9 the PEC shall pay the membership fees to the national treasury and given a monthly report of such a flow of money to the national office. 15. REGIONAL STRUCTURE 15.1 For organization, administrative and other purpose there shall be region in each of the nine provinces, i.e. Mpumalanga, Gauteng, Northern Province, North West, Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Free State, Kwa-zulu Natal, and Western Cape. 15.2 The number and geographic demarcation of region in each province shall be determine by the NWC upon the recommendation of the National Organiser, who shall be obliged to consult with the effect branches and region before such recommendation are made to the NWC. 15.3 Minimum number of five branches shall form a region. 16. COMPOSITION OF THE REGIONAL CONGRESS 16.1 The regional Congress shall consist of delegate from each branch within the region and in such number as prescribed by in Section 5.4 above. 16.2 The Regional Congress shall be held at a time a place as may be decided upon by previous Regional Congress and in the absence of such a decision by the regional executive committee. 16.3 The regional Congress shall elect a REC composed of the following members: 16.3.1 The Chairperson and the Vice Chairperson 16.3.2 The Secretary and the Vice Secretary 16.3.3 The Secretary and the Assistant Secretary 16.3.4 The Treasurer 16.3.5 The Regional Organiser and 16.3.6 Three additional members. 16.4 A regional conference shall be held annually and the last of such congress shall be held a month before the National Congress. 17. DUTIES AND FUNCTIONS OF THE REGIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE (REC) 17.1 To establish, organize and co-ordinate the activities of the branches within the region. 17.2 To carry out the aim, objectives, policies and programmes of the organization as well as instructions and directives or resolutions of the PEC, NEC, NWC and National Congress. 17.3 Implimentary the decision of the Regional Congress provide such decision are not in the conflict with any programmers, directives or resolution of the PEC, NEC or the National Congress. 17.4 To submit audited annual financial statement, accounts and annual reports to the Regional Congress and the PEC. 17.5 To help manage, control and guide the implementation and project of the organization in the regional and in particular in educational, cultural and sporting activities I the religion. 17.6 To make recommendation and suggestion to the PEC on the matters affecting the welfare of the organization in the region. 17.7 To undertake all such activities as may further policies and programmes of the organization in the region. 17.8 To keep a register of all activities of all branches and branch members and pay all membership fees from branches into the regional account on the monthly basis. 17.9 The REC shall hold office for the period of three years. 18 THE REGIONAL FUNDS 18.1 The regions shall be entitled to raise in theirs in their immediate vicinity funds; funds so raised shall be exclusive use for projects related to the region concerned. 18.2 All funds received by the Region shall be deposited in a centralized banking account determined by the PEC. The REC shall at the end of the financial year cause the Regional Treasure to prepare and submit written financial statements and accounts to the Regional Congress. The REC shall determine the manner and the means of revenue and expenditure for the Region. 18.3 At its annual Regional Congress each Region shall adopt a budget for the forthcoming financial year, which budget shall be submitted to the PEC. 19. BRANCHES 19.1 Each branch shall be governed by a Branch Executive Committee (BEC) which shall consist of: 19.1.1 A Chairman and a Vice Chairman 19.1.2 A Secretary and a Assistant Secretary 19.1.3 Treasure 19.1.4 Branch Organiser and, 19.1.5 Three other members 19.2 The BEC shall be elected at the Branch Annual Meeting. 19.3 Every member of the organization in the branch shall be entitled to attend a Branch Annual Meeting; however voting on any deliberations of the meeting shall be limited to branch members who have paid up all fees payable by a member. 19.4 The annual meeting of a branch shall be at such time and place as may be decided upon by the previous annual branch meeting, and in the absence of such a decision, by the BEC, provided that such a branch annual meeting shall be held on a date earlier that the Annual National Conference and the Annual Regional Congress as we as the Annual Provincial Congress. 19.5 There shall be a branch meeting at least once every month. 19.6 At least 20 members shall constitute a branch 20. DUTIES AND FUNCTIONS OF THE BRANCH EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 20.1 To carry on organizational and educational work amongst the masses in order to acquaint them with the aims and objects, policies and programmes of the organization. 20.2 To keep close contact with the masses and provide continual leadership and guidance to the oppressed people in the area. 20.3 To foster the spirit of initiative among the people by taking leading part in organizing them to solve problem in the area. 20.4 To recruit new members and to collect membership and subscription fees as well as paying on a monthly basis these memberships fees into the regional account or as directed by national treasury and send such records to the national office. 20.5 To keep a branch register and to forward from time to time a list of members to the REC. 20.6 To report any act of misconduct and other dishonour and dispute to the REC. 20.7 To discipline any member of the branch as provided in the Disciplinary Code. 21. BRANCH FUNDS 21.1 The branch shall be entitled to raise funds in its immediate vicinity, through such fund raising methods and programmes as approved by the NEC. Funds so raised shall be for exclusive use for projects related to the branch concerned. 21.2 All funds received by the branch shall be deposited in a centralized banking account, which shall be determined by the NEC. 21.3 No BEC, REC or PEC shall engage in any national or international fund raising except under the directive of the NEC or NWC as part of fund raising campaign the NEC or NWC. 21.4 At every branch annual meeting, the branch treasure shall submit for approval a budget for the forthcoming year, and an audit financial statement covering the receding year which shall have endorsed as correct by the REC. 22. THE DISCIPLINARY CODE OF THE PAC 22.1 There shall be a disciplinary code, which binds all organs, member and component structure of the PAC. This code also repeals all previous disciplinary codes. 22.2 There shall be a branch, Regional, Provincial and National Disciplinary Committee. 22.3 All hearing before disciplinary Committee (DC) shall comply with the Constitution, the disciplinary Code and basic level of procedural and substantive justice. 22.4 Disciplinary proceedings shall ordinary be heard at the level where the alleged dispute or misconduct took place, that is, either at the National, Provincial, Regional or Branch level and shall be conducted by the relevant organ. 22.5 Until an appeal has been finalised, the decision of an appropriate level of authority shall be effective and binding. 23. DISCIPLINARY STRUCTURE 23.1 NATIONAL DISCIPLINARY COMMITTEE (NDC) 23.1.1 The National Disciplinary Committee shall consist of a Chairperson, a Deputy Chairperson, and three other members. 23.1.2 All members of the of the NDC shall be appointed by the NEC 23.1.3 The Chairperson shall be the ex-Officio of the NEC. 23.1.4 Members of the NDC shall hold office for a period of three years. 23.5 The NDC shall hear and adjudicate upon all matters, dispute, acts of misconduct which relate to or involve: 23.1.5.1 Any member of the NEC 23.1.5.2 Any PAC member of Parliament/Legislature or Council 23.1.5.3 Any matter between two or more provinces, or between two regions in different provinces. 23.1.5.4 Any matter between any component structure and other organ(s) or component structure(s) of the PAC. 23.2 PROVINCIAL DISCIPLINARY COMMITTEE (PDC) 23.2.1 The Provincial Disciplinary Committee shall consist of five members all of whom shall be appointed by the PEC. 23.2.2 Members of the PDC shall hold office for a period of three years. 23.2.3 The PDC shall adjudicate upon all such disputes, or misconduct relation to one or more of the PEC members, or one or more of the Regions of its Province. 23.3 THE REGIONAL DISCIPLINARY COMMITTEE (RDC) 23.3.1 The regional disciplinary committee shall consist of five members, all of whom are appointed by the REC. 23.3.2 The Chairperson of the RDC shall be an ex-officio member of the REC. 23.3.3 The RDC shall hold office for a period of two years. 23.3.4 The RDC shall adjudicate upon such disputes or misconduct relating to one or more of the REC members, or one or more of the branches of its region. 23.4 THE BRANCH DISCIPLINARY COMMITTEE (BDC) 23.4.1 The Branch Disciplinary Committee shall consist of five members, all of whom are appointed by the REC. 23.4.2 The Chairperson of the BDC shall be an ex-officio member of the BEC. 23.4.3 Members of the BDC shall hold office for a period of one year. 23.4.4 The BDC shall adjudicate upon all such disputes or misconduct relating to one or more of the BEC members or one or more of the members of its branch. 24. DISCIPLINARY RULES AND PROCEDURES 24.1 When a matter has been referred to the Disciplinary Committee, the latter shall forthwith inform the members in writing of the allegations against him/her and convene a hearing within 14 days after having so informed the member. 24.2 The member shall be entitled to respond in writing to the allegations prior to the hearing. 24.3 A member has a right to be represented as his/her own expense at a disciplinary hearing. 24.4 At the hearing, the member shall be entitled to test the credibility of the evidence against him/her and to adduce evidence in support of his/her argument. 24.5 A disciplinary committee may make additional rules and regulations to govern the conduct of disciplinary hearings which must be ratified by the appropriate authority that is BEC, REC, PEC or NEC, provided that rules of natural justice shall be adhered to. 25. SANCTIONS AND PENALTIES 25.1 Sanctions and penalties shall include, reprimand or warning, suspension and expulsion. 25.2 Where in the opinion of the BEC, REC, PEC or NEC the security interests and image of the PAC is seriously threatened by the actions of a members or that the activities of members seriously endanger the running and integrity of the organization, and an appropriate level of authority is satisfied that delay will further the very threat it seeks to avoid, it may without a hearing for the suspension, suspend the member or remove him/her from a particular position or function of responsibility pending the outcome of the disciplinary hearing. 25.3 A disciplinary committee’s decision shall be reported to the appropriate level of authority, that is, the BEC,REC,PEC or NEC for ratification or otherwise. 25.4 The disciplinary committee shall inform the member in writing of the outcome of a hearing within 21 days after its decision has been rectified or otherwise by the appropriate level of authority. It shall also advise a member of his/her right of appeal. 26. APPEALS 26.1 A member aggrieved by a final decision of a branch disciplinary committee may within 14 days from the date of such a decision lodge an appeal in writing to the RDC,PDC and finally to the NDC. This procedure shall apply with the necessary changes to members who are aggrieved either by a decision of the RDC, PDC or NDC. The 14 days period shall apply with the necessary changes in appeals at all levels. 26.2 Appeals shall be handled expeditiously by the appropriate disciplinary committee and/or level of authority. 26.3 In limited cases which the NEC regard as of national significant to the organization, a person aggrieved by the final decision of the NEC shall have a right of appeal to the National Congress/Annual Conference. Such appeal shall be in writing and not later than a month from the date on which the decision appealed against was known. 27. MEETINGS 27.1 all meetings referred to in this constitution a quorum shall be at least 50% of the members entitled to attend the meeting or of members on good standing of the relevant Branch, Region Component Structure, or Organ of the organization. 27.2 Members who fail to attend three consecutive meetings without valid reasons shall be regarded as having resigned their positions. 28. FINANCE 28.1 The basic funding of the PAC shall be derived from membership subscription. Additional Funding shall be derived from raising activities such as levies, donations, bequests, sales of PAC artifacts and literature as well as proceeds of functions such as parties, dances, football matches etc. and such sources as will be determined by the NEC or the National Conference from time to time. 28.2 It shall be the competency of the NEC to finance projects and to request members to make contributions to such projects should funds be inadequate. 28.3 Funds contributed by members for any specific purpose shall not be alienated for any other purpose save by the resolution of the NEC or the National Conference/Congress. 28.4 The NEC shall establish, manage and administer a Special Reserve Fund, and at the end of the Financial Year may vote a sum to be determined for this purpose. There shall be an investment fund source from a percentage of all party income. The investment fund shall be used to fund the investment portfolio. 28.5 The NEC shall at the end of the year prepare estimates of Revenue and Expenditure for the ensuing year, such estimates shall be submitted to the Annual National Conference for consideration. 28.6 The financial year of the PAC shall begin on the 1st of March to the end of the last day of February of the following year. 28.7 All revenue of the NEC, regions and branches shall be deposited in a banking account, which shall be specified by the NEC from time to time. The following accounts shall also be kept by the party: 28.7.1.1 PAC Main Account 28.7.1.2 Election Account 28.7.1.3 Development Account 28.7.1.4 Investment Trust Fund 28.7.1.5 Special Reserved Account 28.8 The NEC shall determine procedure, regulations and rules, which shall apply to the revenue and expenditure of the organization at Provincial, Regional, Branch and Component Structures and any other organ of the organization. 28.9 Subscription fees shall be distributed among all the organs of the PAC in such a manner as will be determined by the Annual National Conference. In such distribution, regard shall be had of the contribution to the National Reserved Fund by each such organ. 28.10 The national treasure shall control all funds in the National Reserved Fund of the party and shall report all the activities of the fund monthly to the NWC and to the NEC whenever it meets, and present an audited statement of the previous financial year, approved by the NEC, to congress. 28.11 All disbursements shall be made through the medium of cheques duly authorized by the NWC, except when a fixed capital payment which may be made through electronic transfers. 28.12 Misappropriation and mismanagement of party funds be regarded as a serious breach of discipline and appropriate punishment shall be meted out, and/or legal action taken. 29. DEBTS 29.1 No office bearer or official of the party shall have the right to bind the party or party HQ in a hire Purchase contract, or enter into a contact on behalf of the party with any company or individual except where such a mandate is given pressly, in writing by the NEC Provinces and Regions as well as component structures shall under no circumstances enter into any debt contact or agreement with any company or individual on behalf of the PAC. 29.2 The party shall repudiate all unauthorized agreement made on behalf of the party and over and above that, take disciplinary action against such individuals. The onus of proof shall be on the service provider to check whether the transaction is authorized by the party. 30. DELEGATES 30.1 The party shall be entitled to send delegates to represent it to all or any local; interest of the party and their nations is the subject of discussion. In cases where individuals are delegated to represent the party, such individuals may be compensated, provided that the forum does not pay delegates an allowance/per diem/salary. The party shall reserve the right to levy a percentage of such an allowance/per diem/salary for the upkeep of party HQ. The party reserves the right to withdraw and replace appointed delegates if in the opinion of the NEC such a replacement/withdrawal serves party interests. Alternatively if a delegate is found guilty of an offence by the DC, such a delegate shall be replaces. Appointed delegates are expected to report to the NEC whenever it sits. All members of parliament, members of provincial legislatures, local councilors who have assumed such positions as delegates of the party shall be expected to pay a percentage of allowances to the party as shall be determined by the NEC from time to time. Failure to pay shall constitute an offence in terms of this constitution. Such a member shall be brought before the party disciplinary committee. 31. REMOVAL OF OFFICE BEARERS 31.1 An individual member of the NEC,PEC,REC or BEC may be removed from office in between Congress if she/he is found guilty of contravening the disciplinary code. 32. COLOURS 32.1 The official colours of the organization shall be green, black and gold. 33. HEADQUARTERS 33.1 The Headquarters of the PAC shall be at a place to be determined by the NEC from time to time. 34. AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION 34.1 This constitution or any part thereof may be amended or rescinded, altered or added thereto by a two-thirds majority present and voting at the National Congress. 34.2 Proposals regarding any amendment of the National Constitution must be sent to the Secretary General’s Office at least two months before the Conference/Congress at which they are to be discussed, and circulated, in writing, to the branches at least one month before such conference/congress. ADOPTED AT THE 6TH NATIONAL CONGRESS HELD AT GA-MATLALA, ON 7-9 APRIL 2000. SIGNED: DR MMUTLANYANE STANLEY MOGOBA (PRESIDENT)

PLEASE GIVE PAC A CHANCE MY PEOPLE! PAC WANTS TO DO SO MUCH FOR YOU! WE LOVE YOU!

PAC must be rebuilt, say mourners at Johnson Mlambo’s memorial 14 January 2021 - 20:04 BY AMANDA KHOZA It's time for the PAC flag to fly high again was the sentiment of speakers at the virtual memorial service honouring the life of PAC stalwart Johnson Phillip Mlambo on Thursday. It's time for the PAC flag to fly high again was the sentiment of speakers at the virtual memorial service honouring the life of PAC stalwart Johnson Phillip Mlambo on Thursday. Now is the time to restore the Pan Africanist Congress to its former glory. This was the call made by the party’s national organiser, Chris Sankara, who was speaking during a virtual memorial service honouring the life of Johnson Phillip Mlambo on Thursday. “Some of the issues that we are going through as the PAC leaders like Mlambo and [Robert] Sobukwe already knew because they were able to analyse situations. We can only get better from here by focusing on the programme of unity which were central to Mlambo and Sobukwe,” said Sankara, who described Mlambo as a “humble yet disciplined” man. “We are where we are because the system allowed it. We are the only ones that can change the status quo. Let us focus on rebuilding the PAC from the branches to the regions and the provinces and sometimes rebuilding will call for sacrifices to be made.” Robert Sobukwe remembered 42 years after his death — 'he fought with fearlessness' Sobukwe broke away from the ANC in 1958 and announced the split in 1959 after his election as PAC president NEWS1 year ago Sankara said there was a programme in place to restore the party. “Let us participate with the masses, let us work with them and, most importantly, let us implement what they want. The programme of the PAC is not about winning the elections, it is about land,” he said. Unity was the overarching theme of the service as the family prepared to lay to rest the former leader of the PAC’s military, who died of Covid-19 related complications at a Johannesburg hospital at the age of 80. Speaker after speaker paid tribute to a man who lived a selfless life. Family representative Charles Mlambo said the family could see that the PAC loved his father. “We are grateful and we are happy. As you continue to give us words of encouragement, we hope that you will all come together because it is a concern to me and it was a great concern to him.” Ndlozi slams police for using stun grenades to disperse PAC Brackenfell protesters The EFF are also expected to protest outside the school on Friday. A member of the greater Benoni branch said Mlambo’s death was a great loss to the youth. “One of the things that he loved the most was unity among Africans. It is sad to lose comrades, but we still have comrades who have wisdom and knowledge and, without them, we are nothing. “My call would be to say that let’s bring back the elders. The party was in tatters because we took advantage of the elders and thought that we knew better. But we have decided to go back to basics and that is going back to our elders to ask for assistance.” PAC Gauteng secretary Tsietsi Molebatsi said Mlambo had a clear understanding of the PAC’s ideology. “He was a product of Sobukwe ... When he was elected as chairperson, he continued with the programme of unity. One thing about the PAC is that when you get chosen, it was never about favouritism, it was never about money because the PAC does not have money ... Leaders looked for gifts and talents of their members,” said Molebatsi. IEC waits for courts to solve PAC's 'raging dispute' before recognising leader The Independent Electoral Commission says it will await a decision by the courts before recognising a legitimate leader of the Pan Africanist ... Quoting a saying that personified Mlambo, he said, “When a stalwart dies, a library burns ... because we rely on stalwarts to give us information. History allows us to analyse things.” What he loved the most about Mlambo was that “he was ideologically strong”. “He knew that our problem was not just apartheid but the colonial settler. He understood the historic mission of the PAC. “We will always talk about this man in the present. If there was one legacy about this man it would be that he read the PAC documents, all of them ... without reading you are not yet a member of the PAC. Read. Read. Read,” he said. A close friend and fellow political prisoner Mike Muendane said Mlambo taught him how to be self-conscious. “He taught me how to love myself as a black person. He taught me to be conscious of what white people do to us, not to let them walk all over us as black people.” He added that Mlambo was a “visionary who did not only look at the current situation but looked at how it would impact on the future. He was a rare leader who was compassionate and had empathy.” Muendane said like Sobukwe, Mlambo was courageous and embodied humility. “Having humility is not easy, it takes a courageous person,” he said. Born in 1940, Mlambo was the secretary of the PAC’s Daveyton branch in 1960. After the banning of the party, he became active in the military wing’s activities. He spent 20 years on Robben Island with his close friend, Muendane. Mlambo will be granted a state funeral on Saturday which will be observed under Covid-19 protocols. TimesLIVE

“There is only one race, the human race.” — Robert Sobukwe

 

ROBERT SOBUKWE INAUGURAL SPEECH, APRIL 1959

Posted by: James Gird in Historical April 1, 1959

Click the image to readm more about Robert Sobukwe in Today in Kimberley’s History 5 December

Sir, Sons and Daughters of Afrika! Mr. Speaker as already informed you that we had hoped that this inaugural Convention of the Africanists would be opened by Dr. Kamuzu Hastings Banda, failing which, by Mr. Kenneth Kaunda of the Zambia African National Congress in Northern Rhodesia. Both have been unable to attend our convention, for both are now, in the language of the colonialists, “detained” in some concentration camps because they dared to demand the right of self determination for the indigenous African people of Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia. The honourable task of opening this conference has, therefore, fallen to me, an Africanist, and I wish to thank the Central Committee for the honour.

I am particularly grateful for the opportunity this offers me to treat briefly of certain issues relevant to our struggle which, though adequately treated in the documents that will be considered by this Convention, require to be presented to such a gathering. I hope, then, Mr. Speaker, in the course of my address, to answer broadly questions pertaining to our stand in contemporary international politics, our relation to the states of Afrika, both independent and dependent, our attitude to the entire nationalist movement in Afrika, our stand on the question of Race in general and the so-called racial question in South Africa. Finally, I hope to outline briefly our ultimate objectives.

INTERNATIONAL SCENE

We are living today. Sons and Daughters of the Soil, fighters in the cause of African freedom, we are living today in an era that is pregnant with untold possibilities for both good and evil. In the course of the past two years we have seen man breaking assunder, with dramatic suddenness, the chains that have bound his mind, solving problems which for ages it has been regarded as sacrilege even to attempt to solve. However, in spite of all these rapid advances in the material and physical world, man appears to be either unwilling or unable to solve the problem of social relations between man and man. Because of this failure on the part of man, we see the world split today into two large hostile blocks, the so-called Capitalist and Socialist blocks represented by the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union respectively. These two blocks are engaged in terrible competition, use tough language and tactics, employ brinkmanship stunts which have the whole world heading for a nervous breakdown. They each are armed with terrible weapons of destruction and continue to spend millions of pounds in the production of more and more of these weapons. In spite of all the diplomatic talk of co-existence, these blocks each behave as though they did not believe that co-existence was possible.

AFRIKA’S POSITION

The question then arises, where does Afrika fit into this picture and where, particularly, do we African nationalists, we Africanists in South Afrika, fit in? There is no doubt that with the liquidation of Western imperialism and colonialism in Asia, the Capitalist market has shrunk considerably. As a result, Afrika has become the happy-hunting ground of adventuristic capital. There is again a scramble for Afrika and both the Soviet Union and the United States of America are trying to win the loyalty of the African States. Afrika is being wooed with more ardour than she has ever been.

There is a lot of flirting going on, of course, some Africans [are] flirting with the Soviet camp, and others with the American camp. In some cases the courtship has reached a stage where the parties are going out together; and they probably hold hands in the dark but nowhere has it yet reached a stage where the parties can kiss in public without blushing. This wooing occurs at a time when the whole continent of Afrika is in labour, suffering the pangs of a new birth and everybody is looking anxiously and expectantly towards Afrika to see, as our people so aptly put it ukuthi iyozala nkomoni (what creature will come forth). We are being wooed internationally at a time when in South Africa the naked forces of savage Herrenvolkism are running riot; when a determined effort is being made to annihilate the African people through systematic starvation; at a time when brutal attempts are being made to retard, dwarf and stunt the mental development of a whole people through organised “miseducation”; at a time when thousands of our people roam the streets in search of work and are being told by the foreign ruler to go back to a “home” which he has assigned them, whether that means the breakup of their families or not; at a time when the distinctive badge of slavery and humiliation, the “dom pass” is being extended from the African male dog to the African female bitch.

It is at this time, when fascist tyranny has reached its zenith in South Afrika, that Afrika’s loyalty is being competed for. And the question is, what is our answer? Our answer, Mr. Speaker and children of the Soil, has been given by the African leaders of the continent. Dr. Kwame Nkrumah has repeatedly stated that in international affairs, Afrika wishes to pursue a policy of positive neutrality, allying herself to neither of the existing blocs but, in the words of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, remaining “independent in all things but neutral in none that affect the destiny of Afrika”. Mr. Tom Mboya of Kenya has expressed himself more forthrightly, declaring that it is not the intention of African states to change one master (western imperialism) for another (Soviet hegemony).

We endorse the views of the African leaders on this point. But we must point out that we are not blind to the fact that the countries which pursue a policy of planned state economy have outstripped, in industrial development, those that follow the path of private enterprise. Today, China is industrially far ahead of India. Unfortunately, however, this rapid industrial development has been accompanied in all cases by a rigid totalitarianism notwithstanding Mao Tse Tung’s “Hundred Flowers” announcement. Africanists reject totalitarianism in any form and accept political democracy as understood in the west. We also reject the economic exploitation of the many for the benefit of a few. We accept as policy the equitable distribution of wealth aiming, as far as I am concerned, to equality of income which to me is the only basis on which the slogan of “equal opportunities” can be founded. Borrowing then the best from the East and the best from the West we nonetheless retain and maintain our distinctive personality and refuse to be the satraps or stooges of either power block.

RELATION TO STATES IN AFRIKA

Our relation to the States in Afrika may be stated precisely and briefly by quoting from George Padmore’s book, ‘Pan Africanism or Communism’. Discussing the future of Afrika, Padmore observes that “there is a growing feeling among politically conscious Africans throughout the continent that their destiny is one, that what happens in one part of Afrika to Africans must affect Africans living in other parts”. We honour Ghana as the first independent state in modern Afrika which, under the courageous nationalist leadership of Dr. Nkrumah and the Convention People’s Party, has actively interested itself in the liberation of the whole continent from White domination, and has held out the vision of a democratic United States of Afrika. We regard it as the sacred duty of every African state to strive ceaselessly and energetically for the creation of a United States of Afrika, stretching from Cape to Cairo, Morocco to Madagascar. The days of small, independent countries are gone. Today we have, on the one hand, great powerful countries of the world; America and Russia cover huge tracts of land territorially and number hundreds of millions in population. On the other hand the small weak independent countries of Europe are beginning to realise that for their own survival they have to form military and economic federations, hence NATO and the European market. Beside the sense of a common historical fate that we share with the other countries of Afrika, it is imperative, for purely practical reasons that the whole of Afrika be united into a single unit, centrally controlled. Only in that way can we solve the immense problems that face the continent people.

NATIONAL MOVEMENTS IN AFRIKA

It is for the reasons stated above that we admire, bless and identify ourselves with the entire nationalist movements in Afrika. They are the core, the basic units, the individual cells of that large organism envisaged, namely, the United States of Afrika; a union of free, sovereign independent democratic states of Afrika. For the lasting peace of Afrika and the solution of the economic, social and political problems of the continent, there needs be a democratic principle. This means that White supremacy, under whatever guise it manifests itself, must be destroyed. And that is what the nationalists on the continent are setting out to do. They all are agreed that the African majority must rule. In the African context, it is the overwhelming African majority that will mould and shape the content of democracy. Allow me to quote Dr. DuBois, the father of Pan Africanism: “Most men in the world”, writes Dubois, “are coloured. A belief in humanity means a belief in coloured men. The future of the world will, in all reasonable possibility, be what coloured men make it”. As for the world, so for Afrika. The future of Africa will be what Africans make it.

THE RACE QUESTION

And now for the thorny questions of race. I do not wish to give a lengthy and learned dissertation on Race. Suffice it to say that even those scientists who do recognise the existence of separate races, have to admit that there are border line cases which will not fit into any of the three Races of mankind. All scientists agree that all men can trace their ancestry back to the first Homo Sapiens, that man is distinguished from other mammals and also from earlier types of man by the nature of his intelligence.

The structure of the body of man provides evidence to prove the biological unity of the human species. All scientists agree that there is no “race” that is superior to another, and there is no “race” that is inferior to others. The Africanists take the view that there is only one race to which we all belong, and that is the human race. In our vocabulary therefore, the word ‘race’ as applied to man, has no plural form. We do, however, admit the existence of observable physical differences between various groups of people, but these differences are the result of a number of factors, chief among which has been geographical isolation.

In Afrika the myth of race has been propounded and propagated by the imperialists and colonialists from Europe, in order to facilitate and justify their inhuman exploitation of the indigenous people of the land. It is from this myth of race with its attendant claims of cultural superiority that the doctrine of white supremacy stems. Thus it is that an ex-engine driver can think of himself as fully qualified to be the head of the government of an African state, but refuse to believe that a highly educated black doctor, more familiar with Western culture than the White premier is, cannot even run a municipal council. I do not wish to belabour this point. Time is precious.

Let me close discussion of this topic by declaring, on behalf of the Africanists, that with UNESCO we hold that “every man is his brother’s keeper. For every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main, because he is involved in mankind”.

IN SOUTH AFRIKA

In South Africa we recognise the existence of national groups, which are the result of geographical origin within a certain area as well as a shared historical experience of these groups. The Europeans are a foreign minority group, which has exclusive control of political, economic, social and military power. It is the dominant group. It is the exploiting group, responsible for the pernicious doctrine of White Supremacy, which has resulted in the humiliation, and degradation of the indigenous African people. It is this group which has dispossessed the African people of their land and with arrogant conceit has set itself up as the “guardians”, the “trustees” of the Africans. It is this group which conceives of the African people as a child nation, composed of Boys and Girls, ranging in age from 120 years to

one day. It is this group which, after 300 years, can still state with brazen effrontery that the Native, the Bantu, the Kaffir is still backward and savage etc. But they still want to remain “guardians”, “trustees”, and what have you, of the African

In short, it is this group which has mismanaged affairs in South Africa just as their kith and kin are mismanaging affairs in Europe. It is from this group that the most rabid race baiters and agitators come. It is members of this group who, whenever they meet in their Parliament, say things, which agitate the hearts of millions of peace-loving Africans. This is the group, which turns out thousands of experts on that new South African Science the Native mind.

Then there is the Indian foreign minority group. This group came to this country not as imperialists or colonialists, but as indentured labourers. In the South African set-up of today, this group is an oppressed minority. But there are some members of this group, the merchant class in particular, who have become tainted with the virus of cultural supremacy and national arrogance. This class identifies itself by and large with the oppressor but, significantly, this is the group, which provides the political leadership of the Indian people in South Africa. And all that the politics of this class have meant up to now is preservation and defence of the sectional interests of the Indian merchant class. The down-trodden, poor “stinking coolies” of Natal who, alone, as a result of the pressure of material conditions, can identify themselves with the indigenous African majority in the struggle to overthrow White supremacy, have not yet produced their leadership. We hope they will do so soon.

The Africans constitute the indigenous group and form the majority of the population. They are the most ruthlessly exploited and are subjected to humiliation, degradation and insult. Now it is our contention that true democracy can be established in South Africa and on the continent as a whole, only when White supremacy has been destroyed. And the illiterate and semi-literate African masses constitute the key and centre and content of any struggle for true democracy in South Africa. And the African people can be organised only under the banner of African nationalism in an All-African Organisation where they will by themselves formulate policies and programmes and decide on the methods of struggle without interference from either so-called left-wing or right-wing groups of the minorities who arrogantly appropriate to themselves the right to plan and think for the Africans.

We wish to emphasise that the freedom of the African means the freedom of all in South Africa, the European included, because only the African can guarantee the establishment of a genuine democracy in which all men will be citizens of a common state and will live and be governed as individuals and not as distinctive sectional groups.

OUR ULTIMATE GOALS

In conclusion, I wish to state that the Africanists do not at all subscribe to the fashionable doctrine of South African exceptionalism. Our contention is that South Africa is an integral part of the indivisible whole that is Afrika. She cannot solve her problems in isolation from and with utter disregard of the rest of the continent. It is precisely for that reason that we reject both apartheid and so-called multi-racialism as solutions of our socio-economic problems.

Apart from the number of reasons and arguments that can be advanced against apartheid, we take our stand on the principle that Afrika is one and desires to be one and nobody, I repeat, nobody has the right to balkanise our land.

Against multi-racialism we have this objection, that the history of South Africa has fostered group prejudices and antagonisms, and if we have to maintain the same group exclusiveness, parading under the term of multi-racialism, we shall be transporting to the new Afrika these very antagonisms and conflicts. Further, multi-racialism is in fact a pandering to European bigotry and arrogance. It is a method of safeguarding white interests, implying as it does, proportional representation irrespective of population figures. In that sense it is a complete negation of democracy.

To us the term “multi-racialism” implies that there are such basic insuperable differences between the various national groups here that the best course is to keep them permanently distinctive in a kind of democratic apartheid. That to us is racialism multiplied, which probably is what the term truly connotes. We aim, politically, at government of the Africans by the Africans, for the Africans, with everybody who owes his only loyalty to Afrika and who is prepared to accept the democratic rule of an African majority being regarded as an African.

We guarantee no minority rights, because we think in terms of individuals, not groups. Economically we aim at the rapid extension of industrial development in order to alleviate pressure on the land, which is what progress means in terms of modem society. We stand committed to a policy guaranteeing the most equitable distribution of wealth. Socially we aim at the full development of the human personality and a ruthless uprooting and outlawing of all forms or manifestations of the racial myth.

To sum it up we stand for an Africanist Socialist Democracy. Here is a tree rooted in African soil, nourished with waters from the rivers of Afrika. Come and sit under its shade and become, with us, the leaves of the same branch and the branches of the same tree. Sons and Daughters of Afrika, I declare this inaugural convention of the Africanists open.

Opening Address at the Africanist Inaugural Convention, April 1959, published in The May/June edition of the Africanist