Robert Mugabe: 'The Lion of the Zambezi'

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By Bella Habesha 

The worlds most educated president is a black man from Zimbabwe Afrika , yes Mugabe!

The Godfather and killer of white supremacy!

The revolutionera and politician Robert Mugabe born 1924 21 February to a poor family, did what most African leaders need to do TAKE BACK THE LAND THAT IS STOLEN FROM AFRICANS!!

Mugabe was respected by Europeans leaders until he took back what was rightfully Africans....AFRICAN LAND! 

This is not unusual with the west, just look up Saddam Hussein, Muammar Gaddafi, Usama Bin Laden and many more.

Even the white journalist admitted and I quote: The story of Robert Mugabe is a microcosm of what bedevils African democracy and economic recovery at the beginning of the 21st century. It is a classic case of a genuine hero—the guerrilla idol who conquered the country's former leader and his white supremacist regime—turning into a peevish autocrat whose standard response to those suggesting he steps down is to tell them to get lost. It is also the story of activists who try to make a better society but bear the indelible scars of the old system. Mugabe's political education came from the autocrat Ian Smith, who had learnt his formative lessons from imperious British colonisers. He gave them back with their own medicine and they lost it//

Mugabe has been awarded with the highest honorary degrees many times, believe it or not by the European themselves, they have stripped him of those awards of course, and Mugabe words....You want me to cry?

REVOKED HONORARY DEGREES:
Honorary LLD degree from University of Edinburgh (1994), which was however revoked in June 2007.
Honorary LLD degree from University of Massachusetts (1986), which was also revoked in June 2008.
Honorary LLD degree from Michigan State University (1990), and was revoked on 12 September 2008.

America will tell you he is a dictator while themselves have stolen lands and human beings and still til this day they dictator the world.

America will tell you he kills his own people, while Americans kill African Americans infront of the world without no shame.

America and Europe will tell you Mugabe is a racist man for taking back what was stolen from him....America and Europe the most racist in the world....the hypocrisy is mind-blowing.

Watch these two clips:

https://www.youtube.com/shared?ci=EnIZhsnuDKo

https://www.youtube.com/shared?ci=jdsNfxMyUzA

America will tell you that Mugabe is hiding millions of dollars while America bombs countries for oil and call it democracy.

Is Mugabe perfect? Of course not
Does his country have problems?

Absolutely remember that great Britain owned Zimbabwe until the beginning of the 80s.

First black president of Zimbabwe was Canaan Banana 1980 - 87 , his prime minster at that time was Mugabe.

Robert Mugabe is the second president 1987 -

Queen Elizabeth of England's fortune is mostly stolen from Zimbabwe YES look it up.

Does Mugabe need to do more for his people GODDAMM RIGHT just like America should do for the same people who build the states.

Just like Europe should do for Europeans who live in poverty yes IN EUROPE!

The west hypocrisy is well-known but will be even more known the more people do research instead of accusing African countries of injustice when there are 54 countries in Africa who been raped by the west.

America and the world need to keep her mouth shut when they are the root of the hell we are living in. Thank you!

Next post will be about The king himself Selassie the undefeated African worrier

THE GOD OF AFRIKA!

Until next time.

Robert Mugabe
ACADEMIC DEGREES:

Bachelor of Arts (History and English) (BA) degree from the University of Fort Hare (1951)
Bachelor of Administration (B.Admin) from University of South Africa (Unisa)
Bachelor of Education (B.Ed) from the University of South Africa (Unisa)
Bachelor of Science (BSc.) in Economics from University of London (External Programme)
Bachelor of Laws (LLB) from University of London (External Programme)
Master of Laws (LL.M) from University of London (External Programme)
Master of Science (MSc.) in Economics from University of London (External Programme)

HONORARY DEGREES:
Honorary LLD degree from Ahmadou Bello University (Nigeria)
Honorary LLD degree from Morehouse College (Atlanta, Georgia)
Honorary LLD degree from University of Zimbabwe (Zimbabwe)
Honorary LLD degree from St. Augustine's University (Tanzania)
Honorary LLD degree from Lomonosov Moscow State University (Russia)
Honorary LLD degree from Solusi University (Zimbabwe)
Honorary D.Litt. degree from Africa University (Zimbabwe)
Honorary D.Civil Laws degree from University of Mauritius (Mauritius)
Honorary D.Com. degree from For Hare University (South Africa)
Honorary D.Tech. degree from National University of Science and Technology (Zimbabwe)
Honorary D.Phil (African Heritage and Philosophy) degree from Great Zimbabwe University (Zimbabwe)

https://www.youtube.com/shared?ci=z5do7kxyi_w

African-American News

NIGERIAN WOMAN NANNY FORCE FEEDS 8-MONTH CHILD TO DEATH IN MARYLAND

October 27, 2016 by other Leave a Comment

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A Nigerian woman Oluremi Oyindasola, 66, of Glenarden, Maryland working as a nanny has been arrested and has been charged with second-degree murder, first-degree child abuse resulting in death and other offenses after police said she force fed an eight-month-old baby girl who then later died. 

Prince George's County Police said Wednesday, a home surveillance system recorded Oyindasola taking a nap when the crying infant, eight-month-old Enita Salubi, approached her in a toddler walker. 

According to Police, Oyindasola unsuccessfully tried to feed the child, then when she got frustrated with the infant not wanting to eat, she 'proceeded to pour a large amount of white liquid directly inside the victim's mouth'. 

Col. Harry Bond with Prince George's County Police said: 'She forcefully poured the two bottles of what looks to be milk down the baby's mouth, causing her to not be able to breathe, suffocating her, and eventually she died at the hospital.' 

The Police also released a press statement which read: 'On October 24th, at about 4.10pm, the baby had been rushed to a hospital after she became unresponsive at home. 

'She was pronounced dead a short time later. 

An autopsy on Tuesday revealed the baby’s cause of death was asphyxiation. 

The manner of death was ruled a homicide. '

The preliminary investigation revealed the injuries to the baby occurred while in the sole care and custody of Oyindasola.' Oyindasol 'is in the custody of the Department of Corrections,' the release said.

Oyindasola, is being held on $1million bond.
Source: TheAfricanSunTimes

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City Press

GUEST COLUMN

The day we failed our people

2017-03-05 06:10

Fruits of labour: Ravele Community Property Association farm workers, based in Limpopo, harvest bananas. Most of the farm workers are beneficiaries Picture: Leon Sadiki

Ayanda Dlodlo

By voting against the expropriation of land without compensation this week, the ANC went against its stated commitment to radical transformation.

President Jacob Zuma spoke extensively in his state of the nation address (Sona) about land rights and land restitution, saying: “It will be difficult, if not impossible, to achieve true reconciliation until the land question is resolved.”

He called upon Parliament to move speedily in ensuring that the Expropriation Bill passed constitutional muster, so that it could be finalised into law.

The issue of expropriation without compensation is not foreign to the ANC. Included among our resolutions at the 53rd national conference, which took place in Mangaung in the Free State in 2012, were the following three proposals:

- To replace the willing buyer, willing seller proviso with the “just and equitable” principle in the Constitution immediately, where the state is acquiring land for land reform purposes;

- To advance expropriation without compensation on land acquired through unlawful means, or used for illegal purposes, having due regard to section 25 of the Constitution; and

- To expedite the promulgation of the new Expropriation Act.

Right from the ANC’s founding meeting, held on January 8 1912, the issue of native land and reserves has been central to the organisation’s struggle for liberation.

Speaking at the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College in Tanzania in 1984, then ANC president Oliver Tambo said: “Let us tell the truth to ourselves, even if the truth coincides with what the enemy is saying.”

This statement rings true today – not with regard to current rumours about the possibility of a split in the ANC, but in terms of the notion that whoever is the bearer of the truth should not matter, as long as the truth resonates with our people and the general thrust of the policies of our movement.

To give impetus to Tambo’s words, the ANC dedicated 2017 as the year of “unity in action” for all South Africans as we move the country forward.

Confused and hurt

It is time to activate those wise and deliberate calls for unity of purpose and enjoin citizens to rally around a common cause, no matter who initiates it – as long as it is in line with our commitment as the ANC to improve the lives of our people.

Against this backdrop of the ANC’s rich history and its resolutions taken, the party’s objection to this week’s motion in Parliament, brought by the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) – who proposed lending support to the ANC if it amended section 25 of the Constitution, allowing land to be expropriated without compensation – left many of us ANC members confused and hurt.

We felt that by rejecting the EFF’s attempt to pass this motion to amend the Constitution’s property clause, the party had squandered an opportunity.

Our outright dismissal of the motion, announced by ANC MP and chairperson of the rural development committee Phumuzile Ngwenya-Mabila, sent an unfortunate message to those who rely on ANC lawmakers to champion the cause for true and meaningful transformation.

The call was most likely made by the EFF to score political points, as it is prone to do, but it does not take away from the fact that this call is premised on the ANC’s founding principles of the return of land to those who were dispossessed.

The reality is that the land question has occupied the ANC’s agenda since its formation, and will continue to do so until land is returned to its rightful owners, the black majority.

In reply to the Sona debate, Zuma made it clear that the organisation was committed to finding all constitutional and legal means to expropriate land without compensation.

He said this to accentuate the ANC’s new policy of embarking on a sweeping programme of radical economic transformation.

How ANC MPs missed this resounding message from the president is strange.

The least the party could have done in response was to elaborate on its plan to return land to the people.

Instead, in an unfortunate and probably uncalculated move, we, the majority in the House, contradicted not only the president’s statement, but also the gist of the radical economic transformation agenda of the ANC.

Given that this type of transformation is not possible without access to land, to frustrate the agenda put forward by the EFF appears to frustrate the very policies Zuma announced.

Reclaiming our birthright

As an ANC member of good standing, I am confident that I speak for millions of our people when I state, on record, that the party is committed to returning land to its rightful owners. We will spare no effort in realising this objective.

Amending section 25 of the Constitution, which deals with land reform, is not negotiable if we are to achieve equitable distribution of land.

To quote parts of section 25 verbatim, this is what it provides for:

1. “No one may be deprived of property except in terms of law of general application, and no law may permit arbitrary deprivation of property.”

2. “Property may be expropriated only in terms of law of general application –

(a) for a public purpose or in the public interest; and

(b) subject to compensation, the amount of which and the time and manner of payment of which have either been agreed to by those affected, or decided or approved by a court.”

As the custodian of the aspirations of the poor in this country, the ANC should have tabled the motion for discussion in Parliament to pave a way for the realisation of this milestone of our struggle.

ANC MPs need to realise that democracy demands that we sometimes support the views of our traditional opponents if those decisions help to advance the cause of our struggle.

We have fought for so long to build these democratic institutions, it works against our objectives and values to close rank now.

Of course, opposition parties will always look for a loophole to denigrate the efforts of our movement, but ultimately, our triumph lies in consolidating the victories of our hard-earned democracy. This includes amending the Constitution when the need arises.

After all, our democracy came about through a negotiated settlement, which we knew would present us with challenges going forward.

Having chosen to resolve matters at the negotiating table, rather than embark on an all-out liberation war which would ravage the country, was the ultimate act of patriotism.

We opted for this with our eyes wide open and now, two decades into democracy, we see a relatively stable country and a prosperous nation.

Despite this, the black majority remains in a state of penury as we have not succeeded in sufficiently reversing the economic legacy of apartheid.

Section 25 represents one of the major concessions made by the ANC in its adoption of that compromised political settlement during the early 1990s.

Even as we reflect on the achievements of our democracy through compromise, we have a duty as the people’s movement to assess the effects of these compromises with a view to taking hard decisions about the future of the indigent of this country.

Therefore, we should have supported the EFF’s motion, with modifications.

Parliament should have gone on to outline a credible legal process to achieve the amendment.

Section 25 can be changed in such a way that is satisfactory to all if we all commit to the agenda of radical economic transformation.

Having voiced its rejection of the motion, the ANC needs to now reassure the masses of our people about its commitment to the freedom struggle pioneered by our forebears.

Let me remind all South Africans that this has been a struggle to restore the dignity of the African through reclaiming our birthright, which is land ownership, and all the benefits that represents.

Dlodlo is deputy minister of public service and administration, and is chairperson of the ANC legislature and governance subcommittee

City Press

MONDLI MAKHANYA

Populist road to ruination

2017-03-05 06:10

Mondli Makhanya

Zimbabwe is still suffering from the wild, populist and self-serving decisions of 2000. Land is a word that has been very much on the lips of South Africa’s first citizen of late. 

In 2000, this lowly newspaperman secured a ringside seat to watch the unravelling of Zimbabwe.

The invasions of white-owned farms by mobs led by war veterans was in full force. President Robert Mugabe had just lost the constitutional referendum and was livid. The opposition had campaigned hard against him and the people had listened to them, not him.

Once revered by the people but now scorned by them, the old man was fearful of what this meant for the upcoming parliamentary election.

He needed a love potion to “woo back lost lover”, as the traffic-light pamphlets say.

His love potion was the land question and the continued domination of this crucial economic sector by a minority.

Twenty years after independence, white farmers controlled most agricultural land. With agriculture – in particular, tobacco – being a major component of the gross domestic product and a huge foreign exchange earner, white Zimbabweans were in the pound seats economically. They enjoyed extreme wealth compared to their black compatriots. This was a source of much resentment.

Mugabe knew what pressing the land button meant. Land was at the centre of the two Chimurengas – the 1890s uprising against the colonial occupiers and the 20th-century liberation war. Because so much blood was spilt getting the land back, the issue was, and is, close to the hearts of Zimbabweans.

So, the self-serving Mugabe started spewing anti-colonial, anti-West and anti-white rhetoric. This spurred the invasion of white farms, often with the support of the security forces. The Zanu-PF government slyly attributed the invasions to the impatience of the people.

The result of this was the destruction of Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector, which had a knock-on effect on all other sectors of the economy.

Industry collapsed, unemployment rocketed, infrastructure fell apart, inflation soared, the Zimbabwean dollar became worth less than single-ply toilet paper and supermarkets could not even stock the most basic products. Zimbabweans fled south, west, east, north and beyond the seas.

Within eight years, the country was on the brink of becoming a failed state as policy and governance became whatever Mugabe and Zanu-PF’s hardliners woke up thinking on a particular day. The five-year Government of National Unity, brokered in 2008, brought some respite and arrested the decline.

But Zimbabwe is still suffering from the wild, populist and self-serving decisions of 2000.

Land is a word that has been very much on the lips of South Africa’s first citizen of late. The more he has become embattled, the more he has aped Mugabe’s land rhetoric. He has belatedly discovered the land question and made it a pillar of his legacy. He has upped his anti-colonialism and anti-Western pitch.

Cognisant of the racially defined gross inequality, he makes a point of stoking the already high levels of anger among the black poor.

The rhetoric grew louder and crazier as he faced a revolt from within his own party. The frequency increased after last year’s damning Constitutional Court judgment on the Nkandla saga and the August 2016 municipal election results.

When ANC veterans and stalwarts challenged his leadership, he characterised them as pawns of the powers who were afraid of his radical stance.

Some of the rhetoric is the stuff of fantasy. Who in their right minds would vocalise a private thought about pushing the restitution deadline a few centuries back, when South Africa is battling with the 1913 cut-off date? On Friday, he added this idea to his file of lunacies. Addressing the National House of Traditional Leaders, he called for “a precolonial audit of land ownership, use and occupation patterns”. He said once such an audit was done, a single land law would be “developed to address the issue of land restitution without compensation”.

Constitutional amendments would then be made to ensure this happened, and the National Land Claims Commission would be made a chapter 9 institution, with powers similar to those of the Public Protector. Interestingly, he made this statement just days after his own party members had argued and voted against such a move in Parliament.

In doing so, they were informed by the fact that the Constitution is not a hindrance to land restitution and land reform.

The process has been bedevilled by poor implementation on the part of the state. It has also been hobbled by the fact that black South Africans are not as romantic and sentimental about land as Zimbabweans and some of our other neighbours.

Mentally, they have long moved on, and those with sentimental attachments have them because there is a recent history of rural to urban migration in the family.

Hunger for land is in the urban areas, where people are living on top of each other in informal settlements. And that is a totally different headache, which requires the kind of energy that is being spent obsessing about impractical fantasies.

So, inasmuch as there may be this populist agitation around land from high up, this is a fire unlikely to catch. What will catch is the racially charged nature of the agitation. It is this part that will resonate with the urban poor. Whether the president and those around him who are stoking this racial anger will be able to channel it is doubtful.

This is the danger of populism. It provides simple answers to complex problems and avoids proper thinking and planning. The aftermath is almost always ruination. Just ask our neighbours.

City Press

Guest Column

EFF’s loss did nothing for ANC’s reputation

2017-03-05 06:10

The Constitution

Makhosini Nkhosi
The “failure” by Julius Malema and his Red Berets to get the ANC to support their motion to have the Constitution amended so that land could be expropriated without compensation was a welcome loss. But it was worse than a hollow victory for the ANC, and one it will probably regret later.
Remember that, recently, President Jacob Zuma intimated that the party may have the Constitution amended to allow for land expropriation without compensation. Recent history has taught us that former liberation movements that face a possible loss of political power often resort to playing the land card to galvanise popular support.
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and its strategists saw this as a weapon the ANC could use more effectively than it ever could, and figured out a way to delegitimise the ANC and wrest back the moral high ground, at least when it comes to land.
The ANC, which is permanently lethargic – its leaders have bigger fish to fry ahead of the December electoral conference – surrendered the fight to the EFF. By opposing the motion, it severely weakened Zuma at best, and, at worst, projected the party as out of touch and not quite serious about radical land reform.
Yes, the EFF outfoxed the ANC in Parliament on Tuesday.
How does the EFF find it so easy to run rings around the ANC the way it does? The EFF is on top of its game with its young and hungry political operators in Malema, Floyd Shivambu, Mbuyiseni Ndlozi and others.
The ANC does have similar talent, but they are “deployed” in government and other places, where their political voices are muted.
ANC leaders, who mostly serve in Parliament and the executive, are absorbed in the game of Survivor as they fight hard for the powerful positions that will be contested at the December conference. What makes matters worse is that they have to influence the membership in person, which is a costly and time-consuming exercise because they are not allowed to openly campaign. Thanks to their preoccupation with the conference, Parliament and executive duties suffer.
This leads to the real problem facing the ANC: it is stuck in a political strategy formed in 1997, when it had no real challengers and minimal internal issues. It was the year that saw former president Thabo Mbeki and Zuma elected unopposed as party president and deputy president, respectively. It was the year in which former president Nelson Mandela gladly surrendered power to a younger man who was not his first choice.
The ANC is a totally different animal now. It needs to start adapting to the 21st-century way of doing politics or prepare for its eventual demise. The ANC needs to modernise.
Crying victim to the bogeyman that is “white monopoly capital” is more a poor reflection of its own performance as a ruling party than it is the intransigence of those who control the economy.
After its dismal showing in last year’s local government elections, the party promised to become more introspective. Instead of going back to its supporters and voters, the ANC has been very busy speaking to itself. Branches and regions are party machinery, not its target audience.
This lapse has cost the ANC a golden opportunity to reboot itself by being informed by its support base. With a denialist Zuma downplaying the losses, the party is bound to repeat the loss and even do worse in two years’ time.
To modernise itself, the party must go back to basics. Its main tasks are to govern the country and lead society. To be effective in that regard, the ANC doesn’t need the kind of bloated structure it has – it needs a lean and mean force. At Luthuli House, it needs only a general secretary or CEO, overseen by the party president or chairperson and a national executive committee with fewer members. Functionaries must be professionals selected from the best its membership has to offer.
Elections that should matter are national, provincial and local government contests, not party positions. The ANC must allow its support base to nominate its candidates for such elections. Nothing energises the support base quite like being involved in such important contests, and that also keeps the base engaged. Engaged supporters energise their families and friends to go out and vote for their party when it matters.
An analysis of social-media insights suggests that ANC supporters want to have a say in political matters pertaining to the ANC. They long for the days when the ANC was a congress of the people and not a congress of “members in good standing”. However, the party isn’t hearing these voices because it is atrocious when it comes to public engagement.
This has also led to the popular belief that it has become arrogant.
When leaders only need to impress the voters and not the party bosses to earn and keep their jobs, they will do better for the party and the country. That will encourage excellence and the party will always field the best among its membership and not the most conniving.
As we defer the dream, 2017 will be bumpier, and the likes of the EFF and the DA are rubbing their hands with glee.
Nkosi is an independent strategic communications and public engagement specialist

Descendants that scattered & lost their way

War History Online

The Harlem Hellfighters – The Most Famous African-American Combat Unit of World War I

Nov 2, 2016 George Winston

 

15th Infantry in France, wearing French helmets.

 

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In World War I, nearly 380,000 African-Americans served in the U.S. Army. African-American soldiers primarily served in the 92^nd and 93^rd Divisions.
While there was no official segregation policy outlined in the draft, African-American volunteers were told tear off one corner of their military identity cards so they could be identified and separated from their white counterparts.
These all-black units served mostly under white officers and were assigned to non-combat roles, such as digging ditches, building roads, and supplying the front lines.
Throughout the course of the war, only about one in ten African-Americans in the U.S. military served in a combat role. The 369th Infantry Regiment of the 93rd Division, nicknamed the Harlem Hellfighters, was one of the exceptions.
The 369^th Infantry Regiment was originally shipped to France in December of 1917. They were meant to stay on the side-lines, but their fortunes changed when General John Pershing assigned them to the 16^th Division of the French Army. The French Army, unlike the Americans, were happy to accept any soldier willing to fight, regardless of ethnicity.
In March 1918, the regiment began training under French command. Although the assigning of these soldiers was expected to be temporary, but members of the 369th never again served under American command during the war, and by the summer they were fighting in the Champagne-Marne Defensive and the Aisne-Marne Offensive.

Harlem Hellfighters in action. Here, the men of the 369th are depicted wearing the American and British Brodie helmet; however, after being detached and seconded to the French, they wore the Adrian helmet, while retaining the rest of their American uniform. This particular image displays the action at Séchault, France on 29 September 1918 during the Meuse-Argonne Offensive. They would have worn the American Brodie helmet at this time.

Known for their stubbornness and refusal to cede an inch of ground, the 369^th soon became one of the most feared and respected Allied units. They were given the nickname “Harlem Hellfighters” by the Germans, and since over 70 percent of the unit called Harlem “home”, the name stuck.

Their French allies gave them another nickname: the Men of Bronze. The Harlem Hellfighters would spend 191 consecutive days out on the front lines, the more than any other American regiment during the war.

During the Meuse-Argonne Offensive, which began on September 26 of 1918, the Harlem Hellfighters captured the town of Ripon and pushed forward one kilometer the following day. By the end of the month, they had advanced to a critical position near Séchault, capturing a key railroad junction.

These advances cost the regiment 851 men dead or wounded in a matter of days. In recognition of their bravery, 171 officers and men received medals for bravery, while the entire regiment received the Croix de Guerre from the French Government.

Off the battlefield, the Harlem Hellfighters entertained their European fellow-soldiers with jazz and American ragtime music.

The 369^th Infantry Jazz Band, also known as the Hellfighters, was led by James Reese Europe.

At the end of the Great War, the Hellfighters jazz band would perform for more than one million people as they marched up Fifth Avenue in New York City during the victory parade. Following the war, people welcomed these brave soldiers home.

Soldiers of the 369th (15th N.Y.) who won the Croix de Guerre for gallantry in action, 1919. Left to right. Front row: Pvt. Ed Williams, Herbert Taylor, Pvt. Leon Fraitor, Pvt. Ralph Hawkins. Back Row: Sgt. H. D. Prinas, Sgt. Dan Storms, Pvt. Joe Williams, Pvt. Alfred Hanley, and Cpl. T. W. Taylor.

Despite this, not much had changed in the day-to-day lives of these war heroes. The terrible ‘Red Summer’ of 1919 saw the eruption of anti-black riots in twenty-six different cities. The lynching of African-Americans was on the rise.

At least ten of the seventy-seven lynching victims were war veterans and some were even lynched while in uniform. It would take another war, as well as decades of civil rights movements before equality was achieved.

The U.S. military remained segregated until 1948, and it wasn’t until very recently that some of the inequality was addressed and partially remedied.

In 2014, legislation was passed in Congress to pave the way for Sgt. Henry Johnson, who served in the 369^th regiment, to receive the Medal of Honor for his actions during World War I.

Due to racism in the Armed Services, many African-Americans were not awarded  the honor for their services in the Great War.

As for those soldiers who fell in battle, a total of 169 came from the 369^th Infantry Regiment, they are buried at ABMC cemeteries. A majority are at Meuse-Argonne, but some soldiers were laid to rest at Aisne-Marne, Oise-Aisne, St. Mihiel, and Suresnes.

All AMBC sites are integrated—race and rank had no influence on a dead soldier’s final resting place.